Devin K. Joshi

Global Governance and Development Ideology: The United Nations and the World Bank on the Left-Right Spectrum

This article compares the development ideologies of the United Nations and the World Bank by placing them on the left-right spectrum. It reviews previous ideological assessments of the two organizations and applies qualitative and quantitative content analysis of annual World Development Reports published by the World Bank and Human Development Reports issued by the United Nations Development Programme to examine their development discourse. Analysis of fifty-seven reports from 1978 to 2011 reveals two major findings. First, the World Development Reports have continuously articulated a development discourse to the right of the Human Development Reports. Second, there is clear evidence of convergence in the reports over time toward the political center.

Varieties of Developmental States

The “developmental state” discourse has opened up fruitful scholarly explorations of alternatives to neoliberal capitalism, but its scope has been somewhat narrow and geographically limited. As a remedy, I propose a broadening of the “developmental state” concept to include three varieties of non-Western states on track to meet the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs). In these states, political leaders actively developed an initial “comparative advantage” in either (a) human capital; (b) natural capital; or (c) social capital that allowed the state to invest the returns-to-capital into a broader state-led development strategy to satisfy most citizen’s basic human needs. I illustrate these three different pathways via the relatively successful experiences of Singapore, Kuwait, and Costa Rica.

MP Transparency, Communication Links and Social Media: A Comparative Assessment of 184 Parliamentary Websites

Parliamentary websites (PWs) can potentially enhance the quality of government by providing information and communication links that stimulate political awareness, deliberation and participation. This article focuses on two particular uses of PWs that can facilitate communication between constituents and their Members of Parliament: provision of MP contact and background information; and links to social media. Through a seminal empirical examination of all 184 functioning lower house and unicameral PWs around the world, this study found that although PWs in wealthy democracies generally provide more MP information, the majority of PWs are deficient in providing basic MP information to citizens and utilizing linkages to social media. By contrast, some non-democratic states and newly democratized countries, especially those with compulsory voting, display a relatively high level of MP transparency and social media connectivity.

THE REPRESENTATION OF YOUNGER AGE COHORTS IN ASIAN PARLIAMENTS: DO ELECTORAL SYSTEMS MAKE A DIFFERENCE?

This study examines the descriptive representation of younger age cohorts in Asian parliaments. Drawing from literature on womens parliamentary representation, it develops the hypothesis that proportional representation (PR) elections provide more incentives for the inclusion of younger representatives than do single-member district plurality (SMDP) electoral systems. Analysing an original dataset of over four thousand MPs from 14 countries, I find support for the argument that PR electoral systems favour the election of younger MPs even after controlling for multiple alternative explanations.

The protective and developmental varieties of liberal democracy: a difference in kind or degree?

Liberal democratic governments may differ in both their kind and degree of democracy. However, the literature too often conflates this distinction, hindering our ability to understand what kinds of governing structures are more democratic. To clarify this issue, the article examines two prominent contemporary models of democracy: developmental liberal democracy (DLD) and protective liberal democracy (PLD). While the former takes a ‘thicker’ approach to governance than the latter, conventional wisdom holds that these systems differ only in kind rather than degree. The article tests this assumption through an empirical comparison of electoral, legislative, and information-regulating institutions in two representative cases: Sweden and the United States. The empirical findings lead us to the conclusion that developmental liberal democracies represent not only a different kind, but also a deeper degree of democracy than protective liberal democracies. The implications for democracy promotion appear substantial.

The Uneven Representation of Women in Asian Parliaments: Explaining Variation across the Region

AbstractAlthough home to the majority of the world’s women, Asia is the continent with the smallest proportion of women in Parliament. Rarely studied from a comparative perspective, this article examines the uneven representation of women in the lower houses of contemporary Asian parliaments. While socio-economic modernization and industrialization are generally expected to increase the proportion of women in positions of political influence, we find that differences in electoral and party systems across Asia play a greater role than levels of female literacy, urbanization, or per capita income. In particular, Asian parliaments with strict quotas and a higher number of (three of more) major political parties had significantly more female MPs. We also found cultural attitudes supportive of women in the public sphere to make a difference along with multi-member districts and parties on the political left.

Good governance, state capacity, and the Millennium Development Goals

International development agencies argue that “good governance” is crucial to attaining the Millennium Development Goals (MDGs), but there are many ways to define and measure good governance. The paper begins by examining the World Bank’s minimal state conception of governance and then proposes an alternative approach based on strengthening state capacity. The paper tests this framework by developing a provisional Millennium Governance Index (MGI) for 126 countries. In comparative empirical analysis, the MGI has noticeably higher statistical correlations than the World Bank’s governance indicators on six out of seven MDGs even after controlling for per capita income levels.

Education and inequality: Implications of the World Bank’s education strategy 2020

This chapter analyzes the World Banks Education Strategy 2020 (WBES) to assess its likely impact on inequality. The chapter begins with a review of assessments of the Banks past education policies. It then compares four different theoretical perspectives on education policy: social class equalization, public goods, human capital, and neoliberalism. Applying quantitative and qualitative content analysis to the WBES, we identify the World Banks approach as promoting a neo-liberal capitalist development ideology emphasizing private sector schooling and nonformal education along with standardized testing. Our analysis predicts that this strategy will not lead to major increases in educational equality in the developing world, and may even increase inequality.

Does China's recent ‘harmonious society’ discourse reflect a shift towards human development?

This paper analyses whether the Chinese states recent efforts since 2003 to build a ‘harmonious society’ (HS; hexie shehui) represents an ideological shift towards global human development (HD) norms promoted by the United Nations. At first glance, the one-party authoritarian state of China seems worlds apart from the more inclusive HD approach. However, Chinas increasing emphasis on rebuilding health insurance, expanding compulsory education and reducing inter-regional inequalities somewhat resembles HD. To clarify these ambiguities, the study analyses recent PRC social development reports and scholarly debates to understand the HS ideology. The paper concludes with a critical assessment of HS discourse and a clarification of six key dimensions on which the HS appears to differ from the HD approach to development.

The Inclusion of Excluded Majorities in South Asian Parliaments: Women, Youth, and the Working Class

This article provides a new perspective on parliamentary representation in South Asia, focusing on the collective under-representation of population majorities based on the macro-demographic categories of age, class, and gender. Situating this analysis within debates on descriptive representation, it presents the first comparative analysis of the contemporary demographic characteristics of members of parliament (MPs) in Bangladesh, Bhutan, India, Nepal, Pakistan, and Sri Lanka. Highlighting three major gaps in parliamentary representation, it finds quotas, proportional representation electoral systems, and leftist parties to have positively impacted the descriptive representation of South Asian women, the working class, and young adults.