Fred I. Greenstein

Personality and Politics: Problems of Evidence, Inference, and Conceptualization

E The original title of this paper was &dquo;Psychology and the Study of Politics.&dquo; From a perspective of Olympian abstraction it is possible, if somewhat empty, to set forth the following account of the relationships between psychology and political science. Let us think not in terms of the extremely varied activities that scholars with different guild memberships actually engage in, but rather in terms of what the general purposes and preoccupations of the disciplines seem to be. Psychology, like sociology, evidently aspires to advance general propositions about human behavior. There seem to be

Can Personality and Politics Be Studied Systematically

The study of personality and politics is possible and desirable, but systematic intellectual progress is possible only if there is careful attention to problems of evidence, inference, and conceptualization. This essay reviews such problems, setting forth a conceptualization that takes account of, and builds on, many of the recurring reservations that are advanced about the utility of studying the personalities of political actors. In doing do, it takes selective account of the classical literature on political psychology and more recent developments in the field.

The Impact of Personality on Politics: An Attempt to Clear Away Underbrush

There is a great deal of political activity which can be explained adequately only by taking account of the personal characteristics of the actors involved. The more intimate the vantage, the more detailed the perspective, the greater the likelihood that political actors will loom as full-blown individuals influenced by all of the peculiar strengths and weaknesses to which the species homo sapiens is subject, in addition to being role-players, creatures of situation, members of a culture, and possessors of social characteristics such as occupation, class, sex, and age. To a non-social scientist the observation that individuals are important in politics would seem trite. Undergraduates, until they have been trained to think in terms of impersonal categories of explanation, readily make assertions about the psychology of political actors in their explanations of politics. So do journalists. Why is it that most political scientists are reluctant to deal explicitly with psychological matters (apart from using a variety of rather impersonal psychological constructs such as “party identification,” “sense of political efficacy,” and the like)? Why is political psychology not a systematically developed subdivision of political science, occupying the skill and energy of a substantial number of scholars?

Leadership in the modern presidency

Introduction: Toward a Modern Presidency Fred I. Greenstein 1. Franklin D. Roosevelt: The First Modern President William E. Leuchtenburg 2. Harry S. Truman: Insecurity and Responsibility Alonzo L. Hamby 3. Dwight D. Eisenhower: Leadership Theorist in the White House Fred I. Greenstein 4. John F. Kennedy: The Endurance of Inspirational Leadership Carl M. Brauer 5. Lyndon B. Johnson: Paths Chosen and Opportunities Lost Larry Berman 6. Richard M. Nixon: The Corporate Presidency Joan Hoff- Wilson 7. Gerald R. Ford: A Healing Presidency Roger Porter 8. Jimmy Carter: The Politics of Public Goods Erwin C. Hargrove 9. Ronald Reagan: The Primacy of Rhetoric William K. Muir, Jr. 10. Nine Presidents in Search of a Modern Presidency Fred I. Greenstein Contributors Notes Acknowledgments Index

The Repeal of Fair Housing in California: An Analysis of Referendum Voting

In the summer of 1963 the California legislature passed the Rumford Act, prohibiting racial discrimination by realtors and the owners of apartment houses and homes built with public assistance. California real estate and property management interests, which had fought the Acts passage, then placed on the November 1964 ballot an initiative provision (Proposition 14) that would amend the state constitution to repeal the Rumford Act and prevent the state or any locality within it from adopting any fair housing legislation. During most of 1964 intense and lavishly financed campaigns were fought by supporters and opponents of Proposition 14. Almost 96 per cent of the people who turned out on election day voted on the measure, which passed by a ratio of two to one. In one sense the campaign and balloting were an exercise in futility, for in May of 1967 the United States Supreme Court declared Proposition 14 unconstitutional. Some short-term consequences of its passage were apparent, however. For several years there was a severe weakening of legal sanctions against racial discrimination in housing, resulting in abandonment of many cases that were underway before the 1964 election. For eighteen months the federal government froze

The Changing Pattern of Urban Party Politics

120 million in funds for California urban renewal projects. Less tangibly, it is claimed that the propositions overwhelming popularity contributed to the Watts riots and other racial violence in California.

The Reagan presidency : an early assessment

Disciplined urban party organizations, capable of controlling politics and government in their communities, have been one of our more interesting indigenous political growths. This political form probably could not have arisen in the United States had it not been for certain broad cultural patterns, such as the absence of strong traditional authorities. These cultural patterns were necessary but not sufficient for the growth of party machines. The immediate determinants were the organi zational requirements of urban growth, the inability of existing city governments to meet these requirements, the presence of a market—among both businessmen and voters—for the serv ices of the old-style politician, and the existence of free suf frage. Old-style urban parties have declined only partly as a consequence of direct attacks upon them. A variety of social and political changes have sapped the resources of old-style parties and, in many communities, have reduced voter interest in those resources still available to the parties. Further insight into the functions of old-style parties may be had by looking at certain of their present-day alternatives—the politics of nonpartisanship and new-style reform politics within the Demo cratic party.

Inventing the Job of President: Leadership Style from George Washington to Andrew Jackson

Analyzes the policies of the administration of Reagan in the areas of the economy, defense, domestic issues, and foreign affairs.

Effective National Security Advising: Recovering the Eisenhower Legacy

List of Illustrations ix Chapter 1: The Presidential Difference in the Early Republic 1 Chapter 2: The Foundational Presidency of George Washington 9 Chapter 3: John Adams: Absentee Chief Executive 25 Chapter 4: Thomas Jefferson and the Art of Governance 35 Chapter 5: The Anticlimactic Presidency of James Madison 51 Chapter 6: The Political Competence of James Monroe 63 Chapter 7: The Political Incompetence of John Quincy Adams 75 Chapter 8: Andrew Jackson: Force of Nature 85 Chapter 9: Presidents, Leadership Qualities, and Political Development 96 Appendix Background on the Early Presidencies 105 Notes 123 Further Reading 137 Acknowledgments 151 Index 153

The Study of French Political Socialization: Toward the Revocation of Paradox

As the new president and his national security team ready themselves to address the global demands of a new century, they have two broad options. They can follow the precedent of the Clinton administration and take it for granted that the post-cold war international environment does not lend itself to overall planning, responding to international contingencies as they arise. Or they can conclude that precisely because international affairs are no longer defined by the extended confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union, it is crucial to establish priorities and minimize the danger of being caught flat-footed by emerging developments. To the extent that it opts for the latter, the new administration would be advised to take note of a national security advisory system that was devised and operated by a chief executive who had devoted much of his adult life to the organization of collective endeavors-Dwight D. Eisenhower, the architect of the Normandy invasion and the Allied campaign in Europe in World War II. During his time in the White House, Eisenhower was beloved by the American people, but widely perceived by political cognoscenti to have been a mere presidential figurehead. We now know, however, that the former supreme commander was an astute and informed political leader who advanced his purposes