Jack L. Walker

The Diffusion of Innovations among the American States

Jack was a contributor to many fields. After I invited Jack to give a lecture some years ago, a colleague stopped me to say how glad he was that a theorist was visiting. Another thanked me for inviting in a state politics expert; a third was thrilled to have an interest-group scholar; and a fourth, an agenda-setting pioneer. His first big splash in the profession came when he was just two years into the tenure-track, when he took on some of the biggest establishment figures in the discipline with his provocative Critique of the Elitist Theory. It was combative, addressed major issues of power, and was perfectly timed to coincide with the rise of a new more critical form of pluralist analysis (graduate students take note: it was also a revision of an essay he had drafted for his qualifying exams). His second major contribution was Diffusion, also written as an assistant professor. His third major article, Origins and Maintenance, took aim at a major theme in the literature on group mobilization, suggesting important ways that elite-level actors, including the state itself, affect social mobilization. Figure 1 shows the citations to these three articles. The continuing upward slope evident for Diffusion and Origins make clear that these articles still attract significant attention even decades after their original publication.

The Origins and Maintenance of Interest Groups in America

Rather than striving to measure the influence of groups in the policy-making process this article concentrates instead on the ways in which interest groups are created and the means by which they remain in existence. A survey by mail was conducted during 1980-1981 of all voluntary associations that are open to membership and concerned with some aspects of public policy at the national level. The sample of groups was chosen from the Congressional Quarterlys Washington Information Directory. Questionnaires were delivered to 913 interest groups, and usable responses were received from 564, yielding a response rate of 64.8%. Most studies of groups have concerned the tactics employed by group leaders in attracting and holding their members. This study demonstrates that the origins and maintenance of groups depends even more upon the success of group leaders in securing funds from outside their membership which are needed to keep their groups in operation. Estimates of patronage from different sources are provided as well as data on the congruence between the policy goals of groups and their patrons.

A Critique of the Elitist Theory of Democracy

During the last thirty years, there have been numerous attempts to revise or reconstitute the “classical” theory of democracy: the familiar doctrine of popular rule, patterned after the New England town meeting, which asserts that public policy should result from extensive, informed discussion and debate. By extending general participation in decision-making the classical theorists hoped to increase the citizens awareness of his moral and social responsibilities, reduce the danger of tyranny, and improve the quality of government. Public officials, acting as agents of the public at large, would then carry out the broad policies decided upon by majority vote in popular assemblies. Although it is seldom made clear just which of the classical democratic theorists is being referred to, contemporary criticism has focused primarily on the descriptive elements of the theory, on its basic conceptions of citizenship, representation and decision-making. The concept of an active, informed, democratic citizenry, the most distinctive feature of the traditional theory, is the principal object of attack. On empirical grounds it is argued that very few such people can be found in Western societies. Public policy is not the expression of the common good as conceived of by the citizenry after widespread discussion and compromise. This description of policy making is held to be dangerously naive because it overlooks the role of demagogic leadership, mass psychology, group coercion, and the influence of those who control concentrated economic power. In short, classical democratic theory is held to be unrealistic; first because it employs conceptions of the nature of man and the operation of society which are Utopian, and second because it does not provide adequate, operational definitions of its key concepts.

Political Trust and Racial Ideology

No government yet established has had the loyalty and trust of all its citizens. Regardless of the popularity of its leaders or how careful they are in soliciting opinions and encouraging participation in the process of policy-making, there are always those who see inequalities and injustices in the society and harbor suspicions of the governments motives and intentions. Resentment and distrust are elements of disaffection and the first step toward resistance. Therefore, even the most dictatorial governments have usually striven to increase their credibility and popularity. For democratic governments, however, the problem of combating distrust and encouraging voluntary acceptance of its institutions and decisions is a paramount concern. One of democratic theorys distinctive characteristics is its strong emphasis on voluntary consent, both as a basis of political obligation and as a central attribute of citizenship. The concern expressed by democratic thinkers about the elements of due process and the protection of opportunities for widespread participation is directed toward the creation of citizens who voluntarily accept the societys goals; “the demand for consent is the demand that the government must be more than self-appointed and must, in some significant way, be the chosen instrument through which the body politic and community acts ….” Democracys guiding ideal is the substitution of mutual understanding and agreement for coerciveness and arbitrary authority in all phases of social and political life. The existence of distrustful citizens who are convinced that the government serves the interests of a few rather than the interests of all is a barrier to the realization of the democratic ideal.

Thick absorption recording media in holography.

The response of holograms recorded in thick absorption media is evaluated in terms of diffraction efficiency, angular orientation sensitivity, and wavelength sensitivity. Calculated results showing the relation between these measures of response and various hologram recording parameters are presented. These calculations are supported with experimental data obtained with thick photographic emulsions and various photochromic materials. In addition, experimental results are given which demonstrate the use of thick recording media in holographic data storage and multicolor wavefront reconstruction.

The Meanings of Black Power: A Comparison of White and Black Interpretations of a Political Slogan

Angry protests against racial discrimination were a prominent part of American public life during the 1960s. The decade opened with the sit-ins and freedom rides, continued through Birmingham, Selma, and the March on Washington, and closed with protests in hundreds of American cities, often punctuated by rioting and violence. During this troubled decade the rhetoric of protest became increasingly demanding, blanket charges of pervasive white racism and hostility were more common, and some blacks began to actively discourage whites from participating either in protest demonstrations or civil rights organizations. Nothing better symbolized the changing mood and style of black protest in America than recent changes in the movements dominant symbols. Demonstrators who once shouted “freedom” as their rallying cry now were shouting “black power”—a much more provocative, challenging slogan. The larger and more diverse a political movements constituency, the more vague and imprecise its unifying symbols and rallying cries are likely to be. A slogan like black power has no sharply defined meaning; it may excite many different emotions and may motivate individuals to express their loyalty or take action for almost contradictory reasons. As soon as Adam Clayton Powell and Stokely Carmichael began to use the phrase in 1966 it set off an acrimonious debate among black leaders over its true meaning. Initially it was a blunt and threatening battle cry meant to symbolize a break with the past tactics of the civil rights movement.

Citizen Desires, Policy Outcomes, and Community Control

Reformers have been hard at work in American cities for over a century. Since the middle of the nineteenth century, city governments have been struggling to plan their development, eliminate waste, relieve human suffering, check or at least moderate, the most vicious forms of exploitation, and create humane, responsive agencies of government. The history of these efforts is full of ironies and frustrations. Reformers themselves have frequently clashed over whether the greatest needs of the cities were improved management and more efficiency or new political institutions which would allow individual citizens greater influence over their government, two aims which sometimes directly conflict. Institutional changes often have led to outcomes wholly unexpected by those who fought to bring them into being, and the reforms of one era frequently have become the principal weapons of those resisting change in later decades.

Challenges of Professional Development for Political Science in the Next Decade and Beyond

Political scientists have been experiencing a 30-year boom in students, resources, opportunities and salaries unlike none other in the history of the profession, but there is little doubt that trends in all these areas are now turning downward. Some lingering skepticism remains about the magnitude of the coming troubles, but most members of our profession are aware not only that the boom is over, but that something ranging from a recession to a thumping depression is almost upon us. The Committee on Professional Development has been formed in response to the gathering difficulties faced by political scientists. The Committees task is to identify and precisely describe the problems being encountered by the profession and to suggest solutions. We begin by communicating with members of the National Association through its committees and publications, but hope that our reports and proposals might also stimulate debate and action within political science departments across the country. The profession still is in the early stages of what surely will be an extremely trying period of its history. If foresight is exercised, however, and we are flexible enough to adapt to changing social needs, it is possible that some of our problems can be transformed into opportunities. Our Committee is intended to aid in this important process of adaptation by encouraging the entire profession to discover new bases for intellectual growth.