Jan Willem Duyvendak

The politics of home: belonging and nostalgia in Western Europe and the United States

Introduction A Homesick World? Why Feeling at Home Matters Losing Home at Home: When Men and Women Feel More at Home at Work New Ways of Home-making: Feeling at Home in the Community? Feeling at Home in the Nation? Understanding Dutch Nostalgia Conclusion: Inclusive Ways of Feeling at Home? Bibliography

Sexual politics, orientalism, and multicultural citizenship in the Netherlands.

Sexuality features prominently in European debates on multiculturalism and in Orientalist discourses on Islam. This article argues that representations of gay emancipation are mobilized to shape narratives in which Muslims are framed as non-modern subjects, a development that can best be understood in relation to the ‘culturalization of citizenship’ and the rise of Islamophobia in Europe. We focus on the Netherlands where the entanglement of gay rights discourses with anti-Muslim politics and representations is especially salient. The thorough-going secularization of Dutch society, transformations in the realms of sex and morality since the ‘long 1960s’ and the ‘normalization’ of gay identities since the 1980s have made sexuality a malleable discourse in the framing of ‘modernity’ against ‘tradition’. This development is highly problematic, but also offers possibilities for new alliances and solidarities in lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgendered and questioning (LGBTQ) politics and sexual and cultural citizenship.

The Political Construction of the Nuclear Energy Issue and Its Impact on the Mobilization of Anti-Nuclear Movements in Western Europe

This paper investigates the relation between objective conditions and grievances and the construction of the nuclear energy “problem” and the mobilization of anti-nuclear movements in Western Europe. Using data on protest reactions to the Chernobyl disaster in Germany, France, the Netherlands, and Switzerland, we first discuss the effects of so-called “suddenly imposed grievances.” We then turn to the frame alignment model, which emphasizes the importance of processes of definition and interpretation for the mobilization of social movements. We confront this model with data on public attitudes towards nuclear energy and anti-nuclear movement mobilization in Western Europe. Our analysis indicates that objective conditions as such have little explanatory power, and that similar events and conditions have led to widely diverging interpretations and levels of anti-nuclear mobilization in different countries. We find that the differential success of the interpretative efforts of anti-nuclear movements does not depend on the nature of the discursive struggle itself, or on the evidential base for the anti-nuclear movements claims. Our data show that the movements’ political opportunities, and the resulting cross-national variations in the degree to which anti-nuclear movements have been able to block or slow down the expansion of nuclear energy, have been crucial determinants both of the movements’ impacts on public opinion and of the movements’ levels of mobilization. We conclude that a combination of the political opportunity and framing perspectives is most fruitful in making sense of the differential careers of the nuclear energy conflict in Western Europe.

A Good Sport? Research into the Capacity of Recreational Sport to Integrate Dutch Minorities

Since the rise of a right-wing populist movement in 2002, the issue of the ‘unsuccessful’ integration of ethnic minorities is at the centre of Dutch public debate. The quest for promising social spheres to bridge gaps between the autochthonous Dutch population and minority groups has brought recreational sport to the political agenda. Sport participation is widely advocated as an effective and unproblematic way for interethnic contact and socialization. In this article we report on two studies conducted in the city of Rotterdam to test these assumptions. One study, focusing on motivations to participate in sport, showed that among participants meeting different people is less valued than expected, especially among marginalized migrant-groups who primarily want to confirm their ethnic identity through homogeneous sport activities. Further research on sport encounters between different ethnic groups made it clear that, particularly in soccer, these encounters frequently result in aggression and can seldom be labelled as trouble-free contact. This can be explained as much by the aggressive elements of the game itself as by the fact that inter-ethnic tensions from other social spheres are imported and even magnified in these sports activities. In sum, although recreational sport (such as soccer) might seem ideal for meaningful cultural crossovers, in practice ethnic differences are reinforced in this sphere instead of bridged.

‘As long as they keep away from me’: the paradox of antigay violence in a gay-friendly country

Considering the tolerant and gay-friendly image of the Netherlands, antigay violence is a remarkably grave problem. By combining a broad survey of Amsterdam youth with in-depth interviews with smaller groups and individual attackers and reviewing recent cases, we conclude that traditional norms of gender and sexuality present in broader society form the breeding ground of the violence. The gay-friendly narrative that dominates discussions on citizenship in the Netherlands – opposing the liberal ‘Dutch’ to the Muslim ‘Other’ – coexists next to traditional norms of gender and sexuality, thereby not challenging the roots of homonegativity. Even perpetrators duplicate the prevailing gay-tolerant rhetoric of Dutch society, but do not refrain from all sorts of violence as soon as they are confronted with aspects of it that collide with traditional norms of gender and sexuality. Peer pressure and the fear of seduction often function as triggers of the violence. However, these situational factors can only be understood in a larger macro-sociological framework, showing the necessity of a multilevel approach in coming towards a comprehensive understanding of antigay violence.

Running from our shadows: the performative impact of policy diagnoses in Dutch debates on immigrant integration

ABSTRACT This article examines the performative politics of claiming policy failure in the integration of immigrants in the Netherlands, often articulated as the failure of ‘the multiculturalist model’. Four consecutive ‘post-’discourses are distinguished, in which we see the construction of increasingly explicit notions of Dutchness. This idea of the Dutch is as much about the style in which it is articulated as it is about the symbolic resources through which Dutchness is imagined. Examining the national imagination in policy diagnoses helps us to understand why immigrant integration has been so consistently presented as a failure of multiculturalism.

Paternalizing mothers: feminist repertoires in contemporary Dutch civilizing offensives

The stress in Dutch policy texts and policy practices on the emancipation of migrant women from their family and spouses goes hand in hand with a focus on precisely women’s role within the family: that of the mother. In this paper, we ask the question how this is possible. We aim to shed light on this question by understanding contemporary policy texts and policy practices in the context of 1) a strong domestic motherhood ideology and 2) a Dutch tradition of paternalism. These tensions between notions of autonomy and emancipation from the family and marriage on the one hand, and motherhood on the other hand, lead to paradoxical practices of teaching migrant women to become emancipated within their role as mothers. Feminist discursive repertoires are put to work in paternalist policy practices that focus on autonomy in particular ways. In this article, we analyse these notions in policy discourses and in practices that we recorded in ethnographic research in parenting courses in Rotterdam.

National models of integration and the crisis of multiculturalism: a critical comparative perspective

National models of integration and the crisis of multiculturalism: a critical comparative perspective Rogier van Reekum a , Jan Willem Duyvendak b & Christophe Bertossi c a Amsterdam Institute for Social Science Research, University of Amsterdam b Department of Sociology and Anthropology, University of Amsterdam c Centre for Migrations and Citizenship, French Institute of International Relations, Paris Version of record first published: 28 Aug 2012.

Crafting citizenship: negotiating tensions in modern society

List of Tables and Figures Acknowledgements Feeling Good, Quarrelling Bad The Construction of Citizenship in Public Debate The Delegitimation of Political Authority Individualization and the Public Interest Globalization and the Culturalization of Citizenship The Three Freedoms of the Dutch: The Culturalization of Citizenship in the Netherlands Put in an International Perspective Crafting Citizenship Appendix Notes Bibliography Index

Queer Netherlands: A puzzling example

Ever since the ‘sexual revolution’ of the 1960s, the Netherlands has been at the forefront of championing erotic freedoms. Amsterdam became internationally renowned as a city of sex, drugs and rock & roll – the gay and sex capital of the world, wide open to the celebration of erotic pleasures. The change for the Netherlands was dramatic: from a society ruled by Christian political parties and a conservative morality to a nation where sex could be enjoyed by locals and foreigners alike. The sexual revolution had far-reaching effects on Dutch society. While surveys show that most Dutch until the late 1960s were opposed to homosexuality, prostitution, pornography, abortion, divorce and preand extramarital sex, the majority a decade later claimed to accept such behavior. Stimulated by the NVSH (Dutch Society for Sexual Reform) and the COC (Center for Recreation and Culture, a code name for what would be baptized in 1971 the ‘Dutch Society for Integration of Homosexuality’), as well as by numerous social changes, the Dutch in the 1970s emerged as the most liberal nation in the world on issues of sexual morality (see Hekma and Duyvendak, 2011). This gave the Netherlands, and especially the city of Amsterdam, a worldwide reputation as a place of sexual freedom. Amsterdam became a magnet for foreign tourists, particularly its Red Light District and its gay scene. Sexual emancipation was a watershed for women and even more so for gay men – they were no longer seen as sinners, criminals or psychopaths. This narrative of sexual liberation continued with twists and turns until 2001, when the Netherlands reached the pinnacle of its erotic freedoms with the legalization of prostitution in 2000 and the opening of marriage to same-sex couples in 2001 (being in both cases the first country to do so). In the eyes of the law, homosexuality and heterosexuality were now nearly equal, though legal equality did not mean social equality. While gay and straight alike saw these legal victories as the end of a long struggle for equal rights, the media began to report on regular incidents of queer bashing, gay and lesbian teachers and students remaining closeted in schools, and LGTB people being chased out of their homes. Social problems