Joachim Blatter

Beyond Hierarchies and Networks: Institutional Logics and Change in Transboundary Spaces

In almost all subfields of political science in the last third of the twentieth century, it was claimed that we are witnessing a transformation of political order from hierarchies to networks. This paper traces institutional change during the twentieth century by examining structures and modes of interaction in transboundary regions in Europe and North America. First, it challenges functionalist explanations of institution-building and institutional change. Instead, the impact of general discourses and ideas is highlighted. Second, it takes a closer look at the hierarchies-to-networks transformation thesis. Whereas this thesis can be confirmed if we define hierarchies and networks as patterns of interaction, if we define hierarchies and networks in terms of modes of interaction this is less certain. De jure, institutional elements implying a “hierarchical order” have been supplanted in newer institutions by provisions allowing for “majority voting.” De facto, nothing has changed, since these modes of interaction have never actually been used. In practice, the only way to achieve joint action has always been and still is through “agreement” or “consent.” What has changed over the years, though, is the institutionalized approach to reaching “agreement.” The older approach uses a technocratic-deductive logic. In recent years, we have been able to observe various new approaches in cross-border regions: a symbolic-inductive logic in Western Europe, a utilitarian-evolutionary logic along the U.S.-Mexican border, and a normative-constructivist logic along the U.S.-Canadian border. Based on the empirical findings, I conclude that institutional theory should pay more attention to the fact that many political institutions provide orientation, shape identities, and mobilize activities through emotional symbols.

GEOGRAPHIC SCALE AND FUNCTIONAL SCOPE IN METROPOLITAN GOVERNANCE REFORM: THEORY AND EVIDENCE FROM GERMANY

ABSTRACT: In the theoretical debate on metropolitan governance, we are witnessing new discourses beyond the traditional dispute between localists and regionalists. New dichotomies emerge, for example, “jumping of scale” versus “relativation of scales”; “deterritorializiaton” versus “reterritorialization”; “spaces of place” versus “space of flows.” These dichotomies can be interpreted as different proposals and/or diagnoses in respect to the geographic scale and functional scope of emerging institutions of metropolitan governance. The paper aims to trace the empirical question of which direction we are heading by analyzing recent metropolitan governance reforms in six West German metropolitan areas. The findings show that there is a general trend to create soft institutions of governance on a larger scale as a reaction to global competition and continental integration. Beyond this commonality, we discover quite different institutional trajectories. The regions which are strongly embedded in the global economy tend toward a “deterritorialized” form of metropolitan governance with rather weak institutions characterized by large geographic scales and functional specialization. In contrast, the regions which are not as much embedded in the global economy have been able to create strong governance institutions on a regional level characterized by a rather small geographic scope and based on a territorial logic of functional integration and geographic congruence.

Dual citizenship and theories of democracy

Dual/multiple citizenship has become a widespread phenomenon in many parts of the world. This acceptance or tolerance of overlapping memberships in political communities represents an important element in the ongoing readjustment of the relationship between citizens and political communities in democratic systems. This article has two goals and parts. First, it evaluates dual citizenship from the perspective of five normative theories of democracy. Liberal and republican as well as multicultural and deliberative understandings of democracy deliver a broad spectrum of arguments in favour of dual citizenship. Only communitarians fear that dual citizenship endangers national democracies. Nevertheless, empirical evidence and national policies largely contradict these fears. The second part of the article reverses the perspective and shows that most theories of democracy do not only legitimate and facilitate the acceptance of dual citizenship – the phenomenon of multiple citizenships induces innovation in democratic theory in turn. A second look at the relationship between dual citizenship and theories of democracy reveals that dual citizenship stimulates refinements, expansions and reconceptualisations of these theories for a transnationalising world.

Explaining crossborder cooperation: A border‐focused and border‐external approach

Abstract The paper begins with an analytical model that was used for various studies within the framework of the research project “Preconditions for Successful Crossborder Cooperation on Environmental Issues” that was financed by the European Union and the Swiss government. The analytical model is based on a “rational” approach to public politics and is focused on the interests of the involved subregions and the institutions of cooperation within the cross‐border regions. The use of the model enabled the research teams to explain a great deal of the environmental policy output and this approach was useful in developing recommendations for better practices. Nevertheless, case studies showed much evidence that crossborder politics, and especially crossborder institution building, cannot be fully understood only by such a border‐focused approach. Therefore, this paper expands previous efforts with a comprehensive description of influences from other political arenas beyond the crossborder arena. The hypothes...

Performing Symbolic Politics and International Environmental Regulation: Tracing and Theorizing a Causal Mechanism beyond Regime Theory

This article demonstrates the empirical relevance and elaborates the theoretical foundation of a polity-centered causal mechanism of international environmental regulation which has been only superficially touched upon in international environmental regime theory and which challenges the policy-centrism of this field of research. Motorboat regulations on Lake Constance demonstrate the limits of established approaches in regime theory in explaining the strict regulations of this early regime. Rationalist explanatory approaches are not convincing since there are no helpful structural constellations and no functional need. According to normative-cognitive approaches, the institutional density and differentiation that exists in the transboundary Lake Constance region makes an advocacy coalition approach better suited than an epistemic community approach. Yet, even this perspective cannot explain the international breakthroughs towards strong regulations. To fill the remaining gap, it is necessary to account for the symbolic value of water in representing emerging transnational identities and institutions. Polity-centered coalitions of political leaders around the lake performed innovative regulations in a highly symbolic policy field in order to gain attention and recognition for their institutionalization of the idea of a Euregio Bodensee. The article ends by demonstrating the empirical relevance of this causal mechanism beyond Lake Constance and discusses the theoretical consequences in the field of transnational water governance.

Conceptualizing and evaluating (new) forms of citizenship between nationalism and cosmopolitanism

In an age of transnational flows and interdependencies, democratic citizenship can no longer be conceptualized exclusively within national boundaries. This paper presents a conceptual map that allows tracing emerging and proposed forms of citizenship within and beyond the nation state in a comprehensive and differentiated way. We disentangle two anchor points: membership in a political community as the fundament of citizenship and the arena of political decision-making as the focal point of citizenship rights, identities and practices. For the former we differentiate between a single national community, the universal community of humankind and multiple (national) communities. For the latter we distinguish the national, supra-national and transnational arena. Our typology thus consists of nine different forms of democratic citizenship. It is used to provide a brief overview over normative proposals and empirical findings leading to the following insights: while membership in a particular national community still dominates the reality in all three political arenas, in the normative discourse it is perceived as deficient. Membership in the universal community of humankind is widely endorsed in the normative discourse, but almost nonexistent. In contrast, membership in multiple communities is not only a growing reality but also normatively promising for democratizing a transnationalizing world.

Party politics, institutions, and identity: the dynamics of regional venue shopping in the EU

Abstract With deepening European integration, domestic interest groups have increasingly engaged in multi-level venue shopping. Regional authorities are no different and have represented their interests through both intra- and extra-state channels. There is some disagreement, however, over which of these channels are most frequently used. Similarly, there is little consensus on the ways in which partisan, institutional, and identity logics can affect the dynamics of venue shopping. To gain some insights into these questions, the article surveys 122 regional administrations in their home country. It finds that, when trying to influence the EU policy-shaping process from home, European regions use extra-state channels more frequently than intra-state ones. Party politics, institutions, and identity logics all affect venue selection, though differently. The general trend towards extra-state channels is indicative of the nature of the EU political system. The findings also have implications for questions of representation and democracy within such a system.

Practising transnational citizenship: dual nationality and simultaneous political involvement among emigrants

ABSTRACT Acceptance of dual citizenship allows migrants to naturalise in the country of residence (CoR) without giving up their former citizenship. For migrant sending countries the question emerges whether emigrants who acquire another citizenship are less attached to and politically active in the country of origin than those who do not. This would be the assumption of traditional perspectives on migration and citizenship. However, according to the transnational perspective neither multiple nationalities, nor participation in and identification with the CoR, preclude ongoing ties and participation back home. We test these perspectives with survey data on Swiss citizens residing in France, Germany, Italy and the US. Our results suggest that Swiss dual citizens abroad are not significantly less attached to and active in Switzerland than their mono national counterparts. Our data further supports the transnational perspective by showing not only simultaneity, but a mutually reinforcing relationship when transnational citizenship is practised. Identification with, and political participation in, the CoR positively relates to equivalent feelings and activities in the country of origin. Since dual citizenship sets the legal foundation for simultaneous involvement in two countries, it correctly assumes a central place in the study of transnational citizenship.

Democratic Deficits in Europe: The Overlooked Exclusiveness of Nation-States and the Positive Role of the European Union

With the help of the Immigrant Inclusion Index (IMIX), a quantitative tool for measuring the electoral inclusion of immigrants, we demonstrate that European democracies are much more exclusive than they should be. All normative theories of democracy share the conviction that it is imperative that democracies include long-term immigrant residents into the demos – either by granting citizenship or by introducing alien voting rights. But even the 20 most established and stable democracies within the EU are far from fully realizing the ideal of ‘universal suffrage’. This is true independently of whether we count in- and excluded people in numerical terms, or whether we evaluate the relevant laws and regulations. Therefore, we diagnose a substantial democratic deficit on the level of European nation-states. By requiring its member states to enfranchise non-national EU citizens on the local level, the EU, for once, plays a positive role in reducing one of the most fundamental democratic deficits in times of migration.

Governance Muster in deutschen Metropolregionen

In den letzten zwanzig Jahren gab es intensive Diskussionen und Aktivitaten zur Etablierung von neuen Governance-Formen fur Agglomerationsregionen (Brenner 2003b) und das nicht nur in Deutschland, sondern in vielen Landern. Anstrengungen zur (Neu-)Grundung von regionalen Zusammenarbeitsformen im stadtischen Umfeld findet man in der Schweiz (siehe z.B. die Metropolitankonferenz Zurich [Neue Zurcher Zeitung 2009/07/02: 45]), in Frankreich (Collomb 2005) und auch in den USA (Blatter 2006b).