Rosemary Foot

China in the ASEAN Regional Forum: Organizational Processes and Domestic Modes of Thought

Some recent scholarly analysis of the ASEAN Regional Forum (ARF) has suggested that the main impetus behind the creation of the new security organization was the perceived need to establish a stable distribution of power among the three major states of the Asia-Pacific: namely, China, Japan, and the United States.1 When the idea of establishing a multilateral security organization in the Asia-Pacific was first raised in the late 1980s and early 1990s, government officials and commentators in the region appeared concerned that the Peoples Republic of Chinas (PRC) potentially dominating role, in combination with a U.S. strategic withdrawal-as exemplified by the termination of its base rights in the Philippines in 1991-could in turn provide the impetus for Japan to adjust its security doctrine, with serious repercussions for the remaining states in the region. However, given Americas overwhelming power projection capabilities, the maintenance of its core bilateral alliances, and the domestic constraints on a fundamental alteration in Japans defense doctrine, it is the possible repercussions from the rise of China in the post-Cold War era that have received the most attention. This is an inevitable consequence of the scale of the PRCs economic transformation since the 1979 introduction of economic re-

The practice of power : US relations with China since 1949

This book explains the change in American relations with China after 1949 from hostility to rapprochement, and to full normalization of the ties in 1979. It goes on to examine the relationship after normalization in 1979, a period when the United States has come to view China as less of a challenge but still resistant to certain of the norms of the current international order. The book begins by examining US effort to build, and then maintain an international and domestic consensus behind its China policy. It then looks at changing US perceptions of the capabilities of the Chinese state. It shows how American positions on Chinese representation at the UN and on the trade embargo were subtly eroded, not least by changes in US domestic public opinion. The author argues that previous explanations of American relations with China have dwelt too single-mindedly on ideas associated with the strategic triangle and that instead we need to embed our understanding of the evolution of American relations with China within a wider structure of relationships at the global and domestic levels. This book is intended for academics and students of international relations, specialists on US foreign policy and Chinese foreign policy.

Order and justice in international relations

Contributors to this volume - Rosemary Foot, St Antonys College, University of Oxford Andrew Hurrell, Nuffield College, University of Oxford Adam Roberts, Balliol College, University of Oxford John Toye, Centre for the Study of African Economics, University of Oxford Ngaire Woods, University College, University of Oxford John Lewis Gaddis, Department of History, Yale University Neil MacFarlane, St Antonys College, University of Oxford Justine Lacroix Universite Libre de Bruxelles Kalypso Nicolaidis St Antonys College, University of Oxford Rana Mitter, Centre for Chinese Studies, University of Oxford Kanti Bajpai, Jawaharlal Nehru University, New Delhi James Piscatori, Wadham College, University of Oxford

Order and Justice Beyond the Nation-State: Europe's Competing Paradigms

The authors focus on the European Union both as a regional organization with distinctive norms and practices, and as a grouping of states that reflect specific individual traditions and views. The chapter describes two core paradigms: the national and the post-national. The national paradigm is recognizably realist and state-centric in approach. It suggests that the focus of external behaviour should be the promotion of order via traditional power-political means and for traditional state-based normative ends. The post-national paradigm, however, reflects a more cosmopolitan understanding of global society in which Europes institutional and substantive understanding of justice questions can be reflected in its policies beyond EU borders. These propositions are tested in three issue areas. The authors conclude that while the EU may have the capacity to shape an order/justice agenda beyond its borders, its members have not yet agreed what that agenda should be.

Torture: The Struggle over a Peremptory Norm in a Counter-Terrorist Era

The prohibition against torture has the status of a peremptory humanitarian norm. That is, it is considered binding on all states and no derogation under any circumstances is permitted. While the practice of torture has been widespread, until recently it had come to be understood that no representatives of the state could openly admit that they would use torture for fear of being removed from office and of having their state ostracized by ‘civilized’ nations. Why, then, given the rhetorical, moral and legal status of this prohibition, is torture being debated, contemplated and even resurrected as an unsavoury and allegedly necessary course of action in this counter-terrorist era? Why has the Bush administration set about trying to reduce the scope of what is meant by torture and degrading treatment, as well as to define a category of detainee who may be subjected to coercive methods of interrogation? And what efforts are being made to restore the status of a norm that has been seen as a distinctive kind of wrong? These are the main questions discussed in an article which examines the relationship between power and norms and the power of norms.

Migration: the Asian experience.

Acknowledgements - Notes on Contributors - Introduction J.M.Brown & R.Foot - The Chinese as Overseas Migrants E.Wickberg - Three Phases of South Asian Emigration C.Peach - The Modern Zoroastrian Diaspora J.R.Hinnells - The Indian Diaspora in the United States R.Daniels - Renewing an Industrial Past: British Pakistani Entrepreneurship in Manchester P.Werbner - Why Move? Regional and Long Distance Migrations of Gujarati Jains M.Banks - The Movement of Indian Muslims to West Pakistan After 1947: Partition-Related Migration and its Consequences for the Pakistani Province of Sind S.Ansari - Illegal Foreign Migrant Workers in Japan: Change and Challenge in Japanese Society Y.Sellek - Relocation in Vietnam and Outmigration: The Ideological and Economic Context L.Hitchcox - The Movement of Population to the West of China: Tibet and Qinghai G.E.Clarke - Index

‘Doing some things’ in the Xi Jinping era: the United Nations as China's venue of choice

A more powerful China under the seemingly confident leadership of President Xi Jinping has committed to a more activist global policy. In particular, this commitment has influenced Beijings policy towards UN peacekeeping operations, with a long-awaited decision to add combat forces to the engineering troops and police and medical units that have been features of its past contribution. In addition, Beijing has doubled the size of its contribution to the UN peace operations budget. This article explains why the UN is a key venue for China to demonstrate its �responsible Great Power� status and expressed willingness to provide global public goods. The main explanatory factors relate to the UNs institutional design, which accords special status to China even as it represents a global order that promotes the sovereign equality of states. Moreover, there are complementarities between dominant Chinese beliefs and interests, and those contained within the UN system. Especially important in this latter regard are the links that China has tried to establish between peacebuilding and development assistance with the aim of strengthening the capacity of states. China projects development support as a contribution both to humanitarian need and to the harmonization of conflict-ridden societies. The Chinese leadership has also spoken of its willingness to contribute to peacemaking through stepping up its efforts at mediation. However, such a move will require much deeper commitment than China has demonstrated in the past and runs the risk of taking China into controversial areas of policy it has hitherto worked to avoid.

Whatever happened to the Pacific Century

Typical of the opposing trends that have been a part of the decade 1989 to 1999, many of the states in the Asia-Pacific in these ten years have shifted from ‘miracle’ status to crisis. From being the political and economic model for other countries in both the developing and the developed world, they now signal how best to avoid the less savoury pitfalls of rapid development. The miracle status, deriving from two decades or more of impressive growth rates on the basis of a presumed distinctive politico-economic model, was supposed to herald a Pacific Century. The key characteristics of this new era were a newfound regional coherence and a related transfer of economic and above all political power from the Atlantic community towards Asia-Pacific. The crisis, in turn, is seen as marking the end of that shift in the economic and political centres of gravity.

China's regional activism: Leadership, leverage, and protection1

Why has China increased its attention to the Asia–Pacific region, especially since the late 1990s, and does it have a coherent short- and longer-term vision for the region as a whole? This article investigates these questions and notes the relationship between Beijings regional activism and its global concerns, particularly as they relate to the United States. China now plays more of a leadership role in the region, is working hard to undermine the argument that its rise is a matter to be feared on the part of its neighbours, and if necessary hopes to be able to leverage improved relations in the Asia–Pacific in the event of a serious downturn in its relations with Washington. 1 This paper, then entitled ‘Does China Have a Regional Policy?’, was first presented at the University of Guadalajara joint workshop with the University of Technology, Sydney on regionalization and the Pacific Rim, in January 2004. I am grateful to the conference organizers, Professor Melba Falck and Professor David Goodman, for permission to publish a revised version of this paper, and to my discussant, Professor Arturo Santa Cruz, for his constructive comments on the first draft. The referees for this journal have also provided a number of important recommendations that have helped me to clarify the argument, as have scholars in Hong Kong, who came together at the instigation of Dr James Tang in December 2004 to debate some of the findings. I am grateful to all who participated and especially to Dr Tang for arranging this event.

Chinese—Indian relations and the process of building confidence: Implications for the Asia‐Pacific

Abstract Chinas traditional approach to security questions appears to be antithetical to the cooperative security approach that has been adopted by ASEAN and by embryonic multilateral organizations such as the ASEAN Regional Forum. Yet, in the course of normalizing relations with India, China has shown itself willing to explore the kind of confidence‐ and security‐building measures associated with this approach. Although it was a change in interests that prompted China to explore the worth of such measures, nevertheless cooperative security ideas have proved helpful in defusing tensions between New Delhi and Beijing. Possibly as a result of its experience with India, there are indications that China has become more receptive to the use of a cooperative security framework elsewhere in the Asia‐Pacific, most notably in dealing with the ASEAN Regional Forum. Its involvement in this process has increased the diplomatic and economic costs that would be incurred should it decide to use force to make good its i...