S. Neil MacFarlane

Human Security and the UN: A Critical History

Part I. The Archaeology of Human Security 1. The Prehistory of Human Security 2. The UN and Human Security during the Cold War 3. The Evolving Critique of National Security Part II. The Emergence of Human Security 4. The UN and Human Security: The Development Dimension 5. The UN and Human Security: The Protection Dimension 6. Human Security and the Protection of Vulnerable Groups 7. Human Security and the UN: A Critique

A Useful Concept that Risks Losing Its Political Salience

lysts – since it does not allow us to see what is distinctive about the idea of ‘security’, and how it is inextricably tied up with the threat and use of violence. Perhaps even more important, it is not clear that anything is gained by linking ‘human security’ to issues such as education, fair trade practices or public health challenges. Does it change our understanding of the right to basic education when we describe illiteracy as a threat to human security? Does it facilitate more effective action? Does it help us solve problems? Or does it actually lead us down the wrong path in some cases when we treat certain problems – such as migration or HIV/AIDS – as threats to ‘our own’ security, building walls between people where we should be building bridges? On the other hand, if we keep human security focused on ‘freedom from fear’ – from the threat or use of violence – we can link it to a powerful and coherent practical and intellectual agenda. The question of controlling the institutions of organized violence and evacuating force from political, economic and social life has been central to our modern understanding of politics and to the struggle to establish legitimate and representative political institutions. It is part of Thomas Hobbes’s vision of the political leviathan: an institution created to bring us out of the situation of ‘war of each against all’ into a civil state in which economic, social and political life could flourish. It is echoed in Max Weber’s definition of the state as an organization that has the legal monopoly over the legitimate means of violence. And it is tied up with the centuries-long struggle to contain or eliminate the threat of force and violence from everyday human interactions.

The United Nations, regional organisations and human security: building theory in Central America

Dramatic changes in the international system lend salience to the concept of global governance. The end of the Cold War has increased the incidence of conflict in certain (though not all) regions, continuing an upward trend towards the violent expression of political grievances, in particular by ethnic minorities and other political dissidents.! And the disappearance of bipolar confrontation has removed (at least temporarily) the most substantial political barriers to conflict management by the United Nations. One result has been the explosion of peacekeeping and peacemaking activities.2 The end of bipolar confrontation has also created space for regional peace and security initiatives as well as a rising rhetorical demand for them. Such considerations informed UN Secretary-General Boutros-Ghalis comment in his much-publicised 1992 report to the Security Council:

Africa's Decaying Security System and the Rise of Intervention

1 S . Neil MacFarlane Security System and the Rise of Intervention I A f r i ca has never been free of military intervention,’ but this form of behavior has become increasingly common in recent years (see Table I). This suggests that intervention is of increasing significance as a problem of regional security, and invites enquiry into the causes and impact of this trend. Most studies of intervention in Africa view the issue from the perspective of East-West relations and the global balance or from that of policymakers in the intervening or in rival states.2 There is no doubt much of value in these approaches. Yet the discussion of intervention is incomplete without attention to its regional context, to its local origins and consequences. An understanding of these regional aspects is important not only to those in Africa who feel its force most directly and to those with an academic interest in African politics. It is also of significance to those scholars and policymakers concerned with assessing its effects on Western interests and with developing policy responses to the use of force in the region.

On the front lines in the near abroad: The CIS and the OSCE in Georgia's civil wars

As is pointed out by Muthiah Alagappa’s framework analysis for this volume, that regional organizations1 might relieve some of the burden on the United Nations (UN) in the area of conflict management gained new currency after the Cold War. As Boutros Boutros-Ghali pointed out, the goal of such task-sharing was not only to distribute management burdens more effectively by taking advantage of hitherto under-utilized regional capacities, but also to democratize international relations through the devolution of power to regional entities.2 In addition, some would argue that regional organizations are better prepared than global ones to address specifically regional problems.3

Kto Vinovat?* Why is there a crisis in Russia’s relations with the West?

ABSTRACT This article addresses the deterioration in relations between Russia and the West from their high point in the early 1990s to the current conflict over issues such as Ukraine and Syria. It discusses the dominant modes of understanding that decline, notably the propositions, on the one hand, that this decline is a result of Western policies and, on the other hand, that the decline follows naturally from the characteristics and aspirations of the Russian state and its leaders. It suggests that the deterioration is best understand as a result of multiple, reinforcing factors related to the internal characteristics of Russian political culture and the political system, and also to Russia’s experience in international relations since the end of the Cold War.

Russia and the G7

Leaders at the Halifax Summit will be confronted with sustained Russian pressure for full Summit membership. This article maintains that Russian demands are not justified by Russias economic performance in relation to that of current Summit members. Appeals for Russian membership are further undermined by non‐economic factors, particularly that countrys failure to adhere to implicit or explicit G7 norms in areas such as Chechnya, the sale of nuclear technology and the resurgent nationalism and unilateralism in Russias foreign policy. In order to help Russia adapt to Summit diplomatic processes – without rewarding incompetent economic practices or intransigence in foreign affairs ‐ the current practice of including Russia in political, but not economic, discussions may be the best available option.

The Changing Soviet Approach to Regional Conflicts

A comparison between the current Soviet approach to regional conflicts and that which dominated during the latter years of the Brezhnev era shows that in terms of both theory and practice the current Soviet leadership has gone a long way towards promoting negotiated settlements, particularly for the conflicts in Afghanistan and Angola. Soviet flexibility is premised on the realization that such conflicts have ‘local’ causes that must be addressed, and that stability in the Third World at this juncture is a prerequisite for stable East‐West relations. At the same time, however, the Soviet Union is attempting to ensure that ‘political settlements for regional conflicts’ do not disturb its patron‐client relationship with beleaguered allies in the developing world.

Contested Regional Leadership: Russia and Eurasia

This chapter addresses Russian leadership in the former Soviet region. It considers the comparative context of approaches to regional leadership. The Russian version falls on the hegemonic/coercive end of that spectrum. The analysis proceeds to discuss power indicators in the region, showing the degree of Russian dominance. The chapter then examines the evolution of Russia’s perspectives on and practice of leadership, arguing that, after a period of debate, a consensual elite view, supported by public opinion, has emerged. That view constitutes a profound challenge to Western views of regional order in Europe. The chapter concludes with a discussion of how to explain the approach that Russia has taken.

Crisis and opportunity in the republic of Georgia

This paper describes how the crisis in the Republic of Georgia is multifaceted, embracing intercommunal relations, the economy, legal structure and process; foreign policy, and the state itself. The author describes how the dimensions of the crisis are not autonomous, but interact “perversely.” The paper argues that although foreign assistance should not be considered a panacea for the multiplicity of mainly domestic economic, political and security problems facing Georgia, neither should it be discounted as a means to alleviate some of the most compelling concerns such as feeding the population, establishing some government control, legitimizing the state, and negotiating a political settlement among the warring ethnic communities. The paper argues that it is both in Canadas interests and within in its means to play a role in helping to resolve some of Georgias current difficulties. On the international side, with the power vacuum in the Caucasus created by the disintegration of the USSR, efforts by Ca...