T. V. Paul
McGill University
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International Security | 2005
T. V. Paul
Analysts have argued that balance of power theory has become irrelevant to understanding state behavior in the post-Cold War international system dominated by the United States. Second-tier major powers (such as China, France, and Russia) and emerging powers (such as Germany and India) have refrained from undertaking traditional hard balancing through the formation of alliances or arms buildups. None of these states fears a loss of its sovereign existence as a result of increasing U.S. power. Nevertheless, some of these same states have engaged in soft-balancing strategies, including the formation of temporary coalitions and institutional bargaining, mainly within the United Nations, to constrain the power as well as the threatening behavior of the United States. Actions taken by others in response to U.S. military intervention in the Kosovo confiict of 1999 and the Iraq war of 2003 offer examples of soft balancing against the United States.
Archive | 2014
T. V. Paul; Deborah Welch Larson; William C. Wohlforth
Part I. Introduction: 1. Status and world order Deborah Welch Larson, T. V. Paul and William C. Wohlforth Part II. Admission into the Great-Power Club: 2. Managing rising powers: the role of status concerns Deborah Welch Larson and Alexei Shevchenko 3. Status considerations in international politics and the rise of regional powers Thomas J. Volgy, Renato Corbetta, J. Patrick Rhamey, Jr, Ryan G. Baird and Keith A. Grant 4. Status is cultural: Durkheimian Poles and Weberian Russians seek great-power status Iver B. Neumann Part III. Status Signaling: 5. Status dilemmas and interstate conflict William C. Wohlforth 6. Status signaling, multiple audiences, and Chinas blue-water naval ambition Xiaoyu Pu and Randall L. Schweller Part IV. International Institutions and Status: 7. Status accommodation through institutional means: Indias rise and the global order T. V. Paul and Mahesh Shankar 8. Setting status in stone: the negotiation of international institutional privileges Vincent Pouliot Part V. Status, Authority, and Structure: 9. Status conflict, hierarchies, and interpretation dilemmas William R. Thompson 10. Status, authority, and the end of the American century David A. Lake Part VI. Conclusions: 11. Why status matters in world politics Anne L. Clunan.
Archive | 2014
Deborah Welch Larson; T. V. Paul; William C. Wohlforth
Can the international order be modified to incorporate a greater role for rising or more assertive powers such as China, Russia, India, Brazil, and Turkey? While the rise and decline of major powers cannot be forecast with precision, there is scant uncertainty about the core expectation that relative economic and military clout will shift away from the states that created and have upheld the current international order – the United States and its close allies – in favor of states heretofore thought of as outsiders or as minor players in that order. On the surface, accommodating this shift would appear simple: adjust voting rules in international organizations to reflect new distributions of bargaining power, alter spheres of influence to reflect new military capabilities and interests, and allocate new rights and responsibilities as the situation dictates. After all, nuclear-armed major powers, most of which are democratic, are not going to contest global leadership by resorting to arms. Surely the leaders of modern states in a globalized world will not forgo the massive gains of multilateral institutionalized cooperation over some squabble about the shape of the table and who gets to sit at its head. Or will they? The ongoing scholarly and public discussion reveals a level of anxiety about rising powers and world order that is hard to explain if people only care about economic prosperity and basic national security. Yet most of what political scientists claim to know about the rise and decline of powers rests precisely on that assumption. The discourse on changing power balances mixes concern over pragmatic adjustments of security- and material welfare-maximizing actors with a vaguer apprehension about clashing national claims to greatness and precedence. To an important degree, the worry is about the search for higher status by emerging powers and the conflict this quest may generate with reigning major power actors. Why do rising powers seek status? What are the mechanisms of status adjustment and accommodation and what are the conditions for use of one rather than another? Can the status aspirations of the rising powers be accommodated without violence, and if so, how?
The Nonproliferation Review | 1998
T. V. Paul
Argues that the Nuclear Non-Proliferation regime has not been able to completely halt proliferation because it ignores the processes of balance of power by providing no means by which a rising power can obtain a nuclear weapon.
Archive | 2010
Norrin M. Ripsman; T. V. Paul
LIST OF TABLES ACKNOWLEDGMENTS INTRODUCTION: NATIONAL SECURITY STATE IN THE ERA OF GLOBALIZATION 1. Globalization and National Security: Key Propositions 2. The Global Security Environment 3. The Major Powers 4. States in Stable Regions 5. States in Regions of Enduring Rivalry 6. Weak and Failing States CONCLUSION: STATE ADAPTATION TO A CHANGED GLOBAL ENVIRONMENT SELECT BIBLIOGRAPHY
Security Studies | 2006
T. V. Paul
The India-Pakistan conflict is one of the most enduring rivalries of the post-World War era. Thus far, it has witnessed four wars and a number of serious interstate crises. The literature on enduring rivalries suggests that the India-Pakistan dyad contains factors such as unsettled territorial issues, political incompatibility, irreconcilable positions on national identity, and the absence of significant economic and trade relations between the two states, all cause the rivalry to persist. In this article I present a crucial neglected structural factor that explains the endurance of the rivalry. I argue that the peculiar power asymmetry that has prevailed between the two antagonists for over half a century has made full termination of the rivalry difficult in the near-term. Truncated power asymmetry is a causal factor in this rivalrys persistence, as rivalries between a status quo power and a challenger state that are relatively equal in their capabilities at the local level are the most intractable and nearly impossible to resolve quickly. The duration of many other asymmetric rivalries can also be explained using a framework of global superiority versus local parity in power capabilities that exist between the antagonists.
Archive | 2012
T. V. Paul
Part I. Introduction: 1. Regional transformation in international relations T. V. Paul 2. How regions were made, and the legacies for world politics: an English school reconnaissance Barry Buzan Part II. Realist Perspectives: 3. Realism and neorealism in the study of regional conflict Dale C. Copeland 4. Neoclassical realism and the study of regional order Jeffrey W. Taliaferro Part III. Liberal Perspectives: 5. Economic interdependence and regional peace John M. Owen, IV 6. Regional organizations ... la carte: the effects of institutional elasticity Stephanie C. Hofmann and Frederic Merand 7. Transforming regional security through liberal reforms John R. Oneal Part IV. Constructivist Perspectives: 8. Ideas, norms, and regional orders Amitav Acharya 9. Regional security practices and Russian-Atlantic relations Vincent Pouliot Part V. Eclectic Perspectives: 10. The transformation of modern Europe: banalities of success John A. Hall 11. Top-down peacemaking: why peace begins with states and not societies Norrin M. Ripsman Part VI. Conclusions: 12. Strategies and mechanisms of regional change Stefanie von Hlatky.
The Nonproliferation Review | 2003
T. V. Paul
Argues that China is helping supply Pakistan with nuclear and missile materials in order to balance India, and prevent India from challenging China.
International Studies | 2009
T. V. Paul
The article makes a case for an intense engagement of international relations (IR) scholars in India with the global IR community, especially those specializing in IR theory. While India has increasingly been integrating itself in global economic and political orders, its IR scholar-ship is yet to get international recognition. This article outlines the structural and domestic causes for the relative absence of theoretical works in IR in India while emphasizing the need for rigorous theory-driven and theory-informed scholarship. It concludes by making eight recommendations for linking IR in India with the global IR scholarship, and offers specific areas where Indian scholars can contribute to puzzle and paradigm-driven IR scholarship.
Survival | 2007
T. V. Paul; Mahesh Shankar
Argues that India should be integrated into the international non-proliferation regime and that the Non-Proliferation Treaty leaves no room for the recognition of a rising power.