Tom Keating

Internationalism and the Canadian Public

Internationalism has long been central to Canadian foreign policy. Although often invoked by governments and individuals, and much debated, it remains an ill-defined, even obscure concept. This article assesses empirically how the Canadian public regards internationalism, and explores the underlying structure of internationalist attitudes. Public opinion data from 1985 provide evidence of four dimensions of attitudes: active, economic, liberal-conservative and independent internationalism. There is a strong consensus on the first two types of internationalism but no such consensus behind the others. Scattered data from across the post-Second World War period seem to support these findings. Using such a typology of internationalism may both illuminate debates on Canadian foreign policy and advance studies of Canadian public attitudes.

NGOs and UN peacekeeping operations: Strange bedfellows

This article examines the increased interaction between international nongovernmental organizations (NGOs) and UN peacekeeping operations in complex emergencies and civil conflicts. The involvement of NGOs in civil conflicts and the increased delegation of service delivery from states and institutions to NGOs has become a prevalent aspect of peacekeeping and peacebuilding exercise in the 1990s. The article reviews a number of the reasons for this development and argues that the increased involvement of NGOs in conflict situations has not always facilitated the resolution of conflicts or the implementation of UN mandates. The authors argue that NGOs will need to reassess their practices if they are to play a constructive role in UN operations in the future.

The transition in Canadian foreign policy through an English School lens

In a discussion of English School approaches to international politics, Barry Buzan suggests that one should look at “how particular states and peoples encounter and adapt to international society.” This essay examines how Canadian governments through their foreign policy practices have encountered and adapted to international society. It starts from a premise that Canadian foreign policy has been integrally linked with international society since the early part of the twentieth century and that international society has done much to influence Canadian foreign policy practice through the years. In turn, this paper discusses how Canadian foreign policy, at times in a very direct and conscientious manner, contributed to the development of international society and how that contribution has changed over time. Finally, this essay argues that an English School lens can provide a constructive interpretation of the significant transition that has occurred in Canadian foreign policy over the past two decades.

Mutual constitution or convenient national interest? The security strategies of Canada and the United States since 1991

The end of the Cold War marked the beginning of one of the most intensive periods of overseas operations for the Canadian forces, encompassing two decades of near continuous deployments in zones of conflict. The War in Iraq stands as an aberration amid a number of multinational operations in which Canadian forces have operated alongside their American counterparts since the end of the Cold War. In all other instances from Somalia to Libya and the many stops in between both Canadian and American forces have been actively engaged in the same multilateral operations and have seemingly taken a very similar response. In this paper we take a closer look at the factors that have led the American and Canadian governments to dispatch their forces to these conflicts and humanitarian crises. To do so, we examine the influence of international institutions and collective security agreements that bind Canada and the US together, such as the UN and NATO, as well as domestic debates on the relative merits of values and interests in accounting for these deployments. Our ultimate goal is to assess whether the respective commitments of the Canadian and American governments reflect a common approach to contemporary security issues and the consequences of their respective strategies for the future defence relations of the two nations.

Pearson and Canada's Role in Nuclear Disarmament and Arms Control Negotiations, 1945-1957

In Pearson and Canadas Role in Nuclear Disarmament and Arms Control Negotiations Joseph Levitt traces the history of these negotiations from the Canadian diplomatic perspective. He analyses the various proposals and documents the reactions of Pearson and his colleagues. Levitt reveals Pearsons own view of the strategic stalemate between the USSR and the United States -- Pearson did not believe that an open and liberal society such as the United States would ever launch an unprovoked offensive on the USSR; he thought instead that the danger of a major military confrontation arose only from the possibility that the Soviet Union might attack. Consequently the main thrust of Canadian diplomatic activity in these negotiations was not prevention of an American arms build-up but support of a strategy which would compel the USSR to accept an agreement that would benefit the Americans militarily or, failing that, to hold the Soviets responsible for the impasse in the talks and thus win the all-important propaganda war.

The ‘New Look’ in Canada's Foreign Policy

The response of the Canadian government to post-Cold War security issues suggests a profound change in Canadas foreign policy, one that adopts a radically different approach to civil wars and human rights violations in foreign countries. The changes brought about by the end of the Cold War have less ened neither the frequency nor the dangers of conflict. The recent disintegration of Yugoslavia, civil chaos in Somalia, the risk of civil disorder in the republics of the former Soviet Union, and the continuation of serious conflicts in many other regions attest to the urgent need for international action. There have been repeated calls from Canadians and many others for such action at the very least it is suggested that something should be done to ease the suffering of the victims of these conflicts. Based on an examination of the diplomatic efforts and peace keeping activities of Canadians and of the statements of the countrys political leaders, it is clear that the government is sup porting a more interventionist approach to conflict resolution. In a world of ever increasing interdependencies, unhampered by Cold War divisions, it is often argued that peacekeeping is no longer a sufficient response and that peacemaking or peace enforcement is now required.