William E. Paterson

The Federal Republic of Germany

The second election to the EP was held in the Federal Republic of Germany (FRG) on 17 June 1984. The date has a political significance in the FRG as the ‘day of national unity’ although this played no role in the election. As in 1979 the election was only held in the FRG for 78 MEPs, while the remaining one SPD and two CDU MEPs were selected from the Berlin Chamber of Deputies. The main distinction from 1979 lay in the intervening change of power at the federal level. Helmut Schmidt’s centre-left SPD/FDP coalition had been replaced in September 1982 by a centre-right CDU/CSU/FDP coalition under Helmut Kohl. This set the scene for what proved to be a nationally-orientated campaign.

Germany as the EU's reluctant hegemon? Of economic strength and political constraints

This article explores the growing perception, prompted by the eurozone crisis, of Germany as a hegemonic power in the European Union. The article explores the realignments in the power balance within the European Union (EU) by making an original application of the insights from the literature on hegemony. It reviews the evidence for Germany playing a hegemonic role, but then emphasizes three sets of constraints. First, German pre-eminence is largely confined to the economic sphere. Even in this area Germany has not acted fully in line with the role ascribed by hegemonic stability theory. Second, its pre-eminence in the EU encounters problems of international legitimacy. Third, growing constraints arising from German domestic politics further hamper playing the role of hegemon. In consequence, Germany is intrinsically a reluctant hegemon: one whose economic leadership is recognized but politically contested. The conclusion considers the significance of these findings on the EUs most important member state.

Governance in contemporary Germany: the semisovereign State revisited

Throughout the 1970s and 1980s, West Germany was considered to be one of the world’s most successful economic and political systems. In his seminal 1987 analysis of West Germany’s ‘semisovereign’ system of governance, Peter Katzenstein attributed this success to a combination of a fragmented polity, consensus politics and incremental policy changes. However, unification in 1990 has both changed Germany’s institutional configuration and created economic and social challenges on a huge scale. This volume therefore asks whether semisovereignty still exists in contemporary Germany and, crucially, whether it remains an asset in terms of addressing these challenges. By shadowing and building on the original study, an eminent team of British, German and American scholars analyses institutional changes and the resulting policy developments in key sectors, with Peter Katzenstein himself providing the conclusion. Together, the chapters provide a landmark assessment of the outcomes produced by one of the world’s most important countries. Contents: 1. Introduction: semisovereignty challenged Simon Green and William E. Paterson; 2. Institutional transfer: can semisovereignty be transferred? The political economy of Eastern Germany Wade Jacoby; 3. Political parties Thomas Saalfeld; 4. Federalism: the new territorialism Charlie Jeffery; 5. Shock-absorbers under stress. Parapublic institutions and the double challenges of German unification and European integration Andreas Busch; 6. Economic policy management: catastrophic equilibrium, tipping points and crisis interventions Kenneth Dyson; 7. Industrial relations: from state weakness as strength to state weakness as weakness. Welfare corporatism and the private use of the public interest Wolfgang Streeck; 8. Social policy: crisis and transformation Roland Czada; 9. Immigration and integration policy: between incrementalism and non-decisions Simon Green; 10. Environmental policy: the law of diminishing returns? Charles Lees; 11. Administrative reform Kluas H. Goetz; 12. European policy-making: between associated sovereignty and semisovereignty William E. Paterson; 13. Conclusion: semisovereignty in United Germany Peter J. Katzenstein.

Foreign and Security Policy

The creators of the Federal Republic were determined to fashion a set of institutions and policies which would not be subject to the process of internal collapse that had brought down the Weimar Republic. They were also aware that both the Imperial and Nazi regimes had collapsed because of foreign policy failures which had united overwhelming forces against them. There was widespread consensus on the institutions and policies of the internal policy agenda. Dissensus, unusually for Western Europe, was concentrated on the external policy agenda. The key division was between those who stressed that priority must lie in complete integration with the West and those who wanted to assign priority to the achievement of reunification. Consensus on foreign policy goals has been much harder to achieve than on domestic policy, and the old question of the degree to which West Germany’s foreign and security interests are identical with those of the Western alliance is once again an area of impassioned debate. The debate itself is now a more complex one. At issue now is not only the degree to which resolution of the German question — whether in the form of reunification or, more usually, closer German-German relations — should take precedence over wider Western goals, but divergent responses to the Gorbachev agenda on arms reduction.

Germany in the European Union: gentle giant or emergent leader?

The 1996 intergovernmental conference on the European Union will represent an important test of German influence in the European Union. The two preceding reforms-the Single European Act and the Maastricht treaty-were undertaken under different circumstances. The Single European Act preceded German unification, whereas the Maastricht treaty negotiations were partly a response to German unification and the end of the Cold War. The IGC negotiations will see the unified Germany operating in a more typical set of circumstances. This article examines the Federal Republics role in European integration on the eve of the IGC. Hhat are the limits and possibilities of German diplomacy in the EU? Is Germany reluctant to use the various sources of influence at its disposal? Alternatively, are there signs of Germany willingly acting as the drivingforce of European integration?*

Developments in German politics

1. Introduction Stephen Padgett, William E. Paterson and Reimut Zohlnhofer 2. Government at the Centre Christian Stecker and Klaus H. Goetz 3. The Reform German Federalism Charlie Jeffery and Carolyn Rowe 4. Partisan Dealignment and Voter Choice Russell J. Dalton 5. Parties and Party Systems Margaret Hornsteiner and Thomas Saalfeld 6. Political Leadership Ludger Helms 7. The Politics of Social Protest Dieter Rucht 8. The German Model in Transition Anke Hassel 9. Economic Policy Reimut Zohlnhofer 10. Germany and the European Union William E. Paterson 11. Germany and the Euro Andreas Busch 12. Foreign and Security Policy Alister Miskimmon 13. Welfare State Reform and Social Policy Martin Seeleib-Kaiser 14. Energy and Climate Protection Policy Stephen Padgett 15. Citizenship, Migration and Cultural Pluralism Simon Green

Beyond Semi‐sovereignty: The new Germany in the new Europe

Semi‐sovereignty was identified by Peter Katzenstein as an external condition of West German Politics. Semi‐sovereignty persists as an internal condition of the new German state, but externally Germany is less semi‐sovereign as a result of the disappearance of external restrictions and its increasing economic and political power which is now allied to its greater freedom of manoeuvre in the security area. While less semi‐sovereign in objective terms than before unity, it is argued that the political elite in Germany will continue to be multilateralists and to eschew the adoption of a national interest discourse.

Does Germany Still Have a European Vocation

The narrative of Germanys European vocation falls into three stages. In the first stage – constituting Germany in Europe – European integration was a vital secondary arena for ensuring that the Federal Republic was able to develop economically, and to become a stable democracy. The second stage, of ever closer union accompanied by institutional export, was already evident under Helmut Schmidt, but became really manifest during the Kohl Chancellorship, reaching a high point in the early 1990s. In the post-Kohl third stage the European vocation persists, but has been very much scaled back.

Developments in West German politics

Part 1 The governmental system: structures of government, Gordon Smith territorial government, Simon Bulmer political leadership, Gordon Smith. Part 2 Politics and society: political ideology, Peter Pulzer the German voter, Russell J.Dalton the party system, Stephen Padgett. Part 3 Economic and social policy: economic policy, Kenneth Dyson the politics of welfare, Steen Mangen. Part 4 Germany and the world: foreign and security policy, William E.Paterson the European dimension, Simon Bulmer inter-German relations, A.James McAdams. Part 5 Current issues: generation and gender, Eva Kolinsky environmental politics, William E.Paterson the trade unions, Andrei S.Markovits and Christopher H.Allen public order and civil liberties, Gerard Braunthal Germany in the 1990s, William E.Paterson and Gordon Smith.

Helmut kohl, ‘the vision thing’ and escaping the semi‐sovereignty trap

Internal semi‐sovereignty acts to constrain German chancellors in domestic politics, while the Richtlinienkompetenz (Article 65) and the Adenauer legacy in the public mind presuppose a chancellor who determines the guidelines of policy. German chancellors have typically responded by taking a selective interest in foreign and European policy where the restraints are less pressing and articulating a foreign policy vision which mobilises internally and legitimates externally. The article focuses centrally on vision as a key element of Chancellor Kohls statecraft, its content and utility.