A. James Gregor

Political Science and the Uses of Functional Analysis

Political science, as an empirical enterprise, shares with the other behavioral or social sciences at least one characteristic feature: partial formalization. For a science to most reliably discharge its two principal functions, explanation and prediction, statements embodying acquired knowledge must be systematically organized in subsumptive or deductive relations. Minimally, a set of such systematically related propositions, which include among them some lawlike generalizations, and which can be assigned specific truth value via empirical tests, is spoken of as a theory. A theory, in a substantially formalized system, includes as constituents (1) an uninterpreted or formal calculus which provides for syntactical invariance in the system, (2) a set of semantic rules of interpretation which assign some determinate empirical meanings to the formal calculus thereby relating it to an evidential or empirical base, and (3) a model for the uninterpreted calculus, in terms of more or less familiar conceptual or visualizable materials, which illustrates the relationships between variables in structural form, an alternative interpretation of the same calculus of which the theory itself is an interpretation. The virtues of standard formalization need hardly be specified. For our purposes here it is sufficient to indicate that formalization seeks to satisfy the minimal requirements of any serious knowledge enterprise: to provide for syntactical and semantic invariance without which reliable knowledge is simply not conceivable. The language shift, exemplified in any cognitive effort, from ordinary to specialized language style is the consequence of attempting to reduce the vagueness, ambiguity and tense obscurity that afflicts common speech.

Human Rights in the People's Republic of China.

This Book Review looks at Chinese human rights developments in light of the aftermath of Tiananmen Square.

Fascism and Modernization: Some Addenda

Henry Ashby Turners recent suggestions concerning the analysis of fascism in terms of its relationship to the processes we have come to understand as “modernization” are too important and interesting to pass without critical comment. So much of what Turner says is persuasive that we run the risk of uncritically accepting what might be the chaff of his discussion along with its welcome substance. There are at least two types of reservations with respect to Turners account. One type turns on the general thesis he entertains; the second deals with the specifics of his argument.

Fascism and the New Russian Nationalism

Abstract This article provides a broad comparison between Italian Fascism and the new nationalism that has arisen in post-Soviet Russia. The focus is on that nationalism which has, in the immediate past, merged with what used to be the Marxism-Leninism of the Communist Party of the Russian Federation. The ideas of Gennadii Ziuganov, leader of the CPRF, are traced to Sergei Kurginian and Alexander Prokhanov-and compared to those of the ideologues of historic Fascism.

Professor Renzo De Felice and the Fascist Phenomenon

Renzo De Felices most recent publications, Mussolini il duce and Fascism: An Informal Introduction to Its Theory and Practice , have caused considerable consternation among both the lay and academic public. De Felice has suggested that generic fascism, and particularly Italian Fascism, may have displayed some progressive and revolutionary features. He goes on to suggest that Italian Fascism shared some affinities with the traditional “left.” Most of these contentions are well supported in the specialized literature; while they may cause some political discomfort, they should generate little intellectual resistance. The discussion concerning sensitive political issues has caused scholars to neglect some important methodological theses which De Felice is prepared to defend. The most critical issue turns on the role and legitimacy of generalizing over an ill-defined generic fascism. De Felice has attempted to restrict the characterization “fascist” to one or two strictly European regimes. The article concludes that there are no methodological grounds for such a restriction.

Nazionalfascismo and the Revolutionary Nationalism of Sun Yat-sen

This article attempts an assessment of the putative similarities between generic fascism and the revolutionary nationalism of Sun Yat-sen. Whatever characteristics the two ideologies have in common can be traced to similarities between Suns thought and pre-Fascist Italian Nationalism. The latter was only one of the elements that contributed to Italian Fascism. A distinction is then drawn between Suns ideology and that of the Italian Nationalists by identifying the latter nationalism as “exacerbated.” Further distinctions are attempted between such nationalisms and the mature ideology of Italian Fascism. Italian Fascism is viewed as a subspecies of revolutionary nationalism, while revolutionary nationalism itself is understood to include a relatively pacific and potentially democratic species and an exacerbated, potentially authoritarian one.

The Philippines and the United States: A short history of the security connection

Abstract The history of the security relationship between the Philippines and the United States began with the occupation of the archipelago by American forces at the conclusion of the Spanish‐American War of 1898. Bases were established in the Philippine Islands and the general conviction by U.S. defense specialists was that they served strategic purposes. Nonetheless, there was little preparation undertaken for their adequate defense. As a consequence, the inhabitants of the Philippines suffered Japanese occupation during World War II. The subsequent liberation brought still more havoc. Many Filipinos became convinced that the security relationship with the United States was characterized by neglected responsibilities and general indifference on the part of the leadership in Washington. Since the mid‐1960s a significant minority of Filipinos have objected to the U.S.‐Philippines security arrangements. That minority exercised considerable influence in the anti‐Marcos movement that culminated in the “Febr...

Terrorism: the view from Taiwan

Abstract Pointing out that the circumstances as regards terrorism in Taiwan are far different from those prevailing in, say, Israel or Italy, the authors describe the conditions that have faced the ROC since 1949, the beleaguered fortress mentality, the emergency legislation, and the anti‐terrorist measures, including restrictions on political and civil rights, taken in what may be called a period of protracted crisis. In the authors’ view, the goal of a fundamentally democratic political system will depend to a great extent on outside forces and influences.

The first Marxist and Fascist economic strategies in comparative perspective

Abstract It has become traditional for commentators to characterize economic strategies as either of the ‘Left’ or the ‘Right.’ This has been particularly true in the case of Marxist and Fascist economic systems. This article reviews the history of the first Bolshevik and Fascist efforts in terms of their post-revolutionary economic policies. It considers their respective origins in revolutionary Marxism and proceeds to outline their subsequent economic undertakings. It is argued that a careful study of the logic of their respective rationales together with their subsequent economic strategies reveal a remarkable resemblance both in terms of their operational features and their intended results. How such a reality, generally unappreciated, should be dealt with in terms of present practice becomes both a classificatory as well as an intrinsically cognitive issue.

Land of the Morning Calm: Korea and American Security.

The author traces the economic and political development of the Korean peninsula, and discusses Koreas future role and the implications for US foreign policy.