Bidisha Biswas

Mediation Style and Crisis Outcomes

This study focuses on the varying effectiveness of three mediation styles—facilitation, formulation, and manipulation—on international crises. Effectiveness is assessed in terms of three outcome variables: formal agreement, post-crisis tension reduction, and contribution to crisis abatement. The authors analyze new data on the mediation process from the International Crisis Behavior project (1918-2001). Manipulation has the strongest effect on the likelihood of both reaching a formal agreement and contributing to crisis abatement. Facilitation has the greatest influence on increasing the prospects for lasting tension reduction. The authors explore how the different styles affect the strategic bargaining environment to explain these differences in impact. The findings suggest that mediators should use a balance of styles if they are to maximize their overall effectiveness.

NATIONALISM BY PROXY: A COMPARISON OF SOCIAL MOVEMENTS AMONG DIASPORA SIKHS AND HINDUS

There is a lack of theoretical integration and comparative analyses of diaspora nationalist movements. In this article I compare the structures of the diaspora Hindutva and Khalistan movements in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada. Differences in their mobilizing structures are the result of underlying ideology and strategic choices, rather than political opportunities. The Hindutva movements use of brokerage contrasts with the Khalistan movements reliance on gurdwara politics. In understanding mobilizing structure, greater attention should be paid to strategic choices and internal mechanisms instead of focusing solely on the external environment.

Can't We Just Talk? Reputational Concerns and International Intervention in Sri Lanka and Indonesia (Aceh)

The international community has been increasingly interested in the ways by which external actors help end civil conflicts. This study compares and contrasts the conflicts in Sri Lanka and Indonesia (Aceh) in order to understand why international intervention has failed in Sri Lanka but has been successful in Aceh. In Sri Lanka, the intensely fractured nature of domestic politics has been one of the most significant obstacles to successful peace talks. Although international intervention has become necessary to overcome the trust barriers between the two parties, it is seen as a threat to national sovereignty and therefore rejected. In contrast, the democratization process in Indonesia created new opportunities for peace. The political will of principal actors and their receptivity to external assistance enabled a peace agreement in 2005. The findings of this study show that both domestic political consensus and a supportive international environment, which protect the reputational concerns of the negotiating state, are necessary for resolving protracted ethnonational conflicts.

The Challenges of Conflict Management: A Case Study of Sri Lanka

Conflict processes are determined both by the larger geopolitical context and the domestic political structure. Yet current studies tend to examine either international or domestic factors, neglecting their interaction. This article undertakes an analysis of the Tamil conflict in Sri Lanka in order to examine domestic-international intersections. In countries where civil war coexists with stable, democratic institutions, conflict management becomes a complex process of balancing competing demands within the government. Under such conditions, noncoercive intervention, such as mediation, can play a more constructive role than military action. The argument of this paper marks a shift from the existing literature which tends to focus on conflicts in failed, anarchic states where coercive intervention becomes necessary.

Tracking the War of Ideas: A Poll of Ottawa Muslims

A 2008 poll of 430 Ottawa Muslims found predominantly negative views of the U.S. war on terrorism, including the war in Iraq and the war in Afghanistan. This poll also assessed approval of Western powers (U.S., Canada, Israel, United Nations) and challengers of Western power (Al-Qaeda, Hamas, Hizballah, government of Iran). Surprisingly, attitudes of Ottawa Muslims toward militant Muslim groups were unrelated to their attitudes toward Western governments. Discussion suggests that this pattern, if confirmed in other Muslim polls, would mean that the war of ideas against radical Islam must address not one target but two: favorable opinions of militants and unfavorable opinions of the U.S. Muslims who come to like the West more may not like Muslim militants any less.

Teaching Theory, Writing Policy: Integrating Lessons from Foggy Bottom into the Classroom

This article describes guidelines for assignments designed to build and improve policy-oriented writing skills of college students. Based on our experiences as Franklin Fellows at the United States Department of State, we developed strategies for teaching writing skills that are transferable to the workplace. The pedagogical approaches highlighted in this article will equip students with the analytical and writing abilities needed in a variety of employment situations. First, we offer insights into the qualities that we believe are important for success in a policy-oriented work environment. Second, we link those skills to the challenges and gaps that students face. Third, we propose assignments that can address those gaps.

Just Say No: Explaining the Lack of International Mediation in Kashmir

The dispute between India and Pakistan over Kashmir is one of the world’s most protracted and potentially dangerous conflicts. While the international community has strong interest in limiting violent conflagration between the two states, third party action aimed at amelioration has been very limited. This contrasts with overall global mediation efforts, which have increased in the post-Cold War period. Using archival research, this study explores the reasons for the Government of India’s implacable opposition to any external intervention in the conflict. We argue that both strategic and ideational motivations have influenced its decisions. In particular, India’s strict adherence to the principle of strategic autonomy precludes the possibility of accepting external mediation. By exploring how and why strategic and ideational motivations intersect to become a formidable barrier to third party intervention, this article contributes to our understanding of why certain countries develop resistance to mediation.

New Directions in India's Foreign Policy

The books reviewed in this article provide timely explorations of India’s changing strategic and tactical goals in the current global, political, and economic environment. They provide us with insights into how various actors in the Indian political system are becoming more engaged in crafting new directions in India’s foreign policy. In India and the World Bank, Jason A. Kirk examines the evolving relationship between the World Bank and India. Basing his arguments on numerous interviews and archival research, the author does an excellent job of making a complex, even dense, topic engaging and accessible to the reader. He also makes the important, yet understudied, argument that the Bank’s policies in India have undergone a significant strategic shift in the last two decades. There are two interrelated elements to this. First, subnational lending—a direct relationship between the Bank and specific borrowing states—has become more prominent. This is a change from previous decades when the World Bank would deal primarily, perhaps even exclusively, with the Indian central government. Second, the institution’s subnational lending practices have also changed over the last decade. In particular, the focus of its aid and lending has shifted from reform-oriented, high-growth states to those that are economically and developmentally lagging. Taken together, this strategic shift says a great deal about India, the World Bank, and about their interactions with each other. Kirk begins his discussion by providing a historical overview of the relationship between India and the Bank. Over the decades, the two actors have had a great deal of influence on each other. While the Bank has provided India with much-needed financial resources; India has largely followed its own development trajectory. For all its resources, the Bank has not been India’s “tutor or taskmaster” (p. 39). In a sense, the two actors “have grown up together” (p. 2). This observation might surprise those readers who believe that the Bank wields an undue amount of influence on developing countries. Yet, Kirk provides plenty of evidence to support his argument.