Charles D. Hadley

Dual Partisan Identification in the South

The concept of dual partisan identification in the South was explored by Philip E. Converse nearly two decades ago and dismissed when the region was still nearly monolithically Democratic in its politics. This research reexamines the existence of dual partisan identification in light of both the Souths changed political context over the last several decades and the recent focus of partisan identification research on intransitivities and dimensionality. The analysis is based on two recent Louisiana state convention delegate surveys and the 1968 CSEP mass survey. Significant numbers of Democratic elite (convention delegates) and mass respondents hold split partisan identifications. The findings attest to the durability of partisan identification, provide an alternative explanation for the partisan identification index intransitivities/dimensionality, and call for the development of time series data to explore the phenomenon further.

Racial Voting in a Biracial City A Reexamination of Some Hypotheses

In this analysis of three biracial 1982 New Orleans municipal run-off elections—mayor, civil sheriff, and district judge-we examine the relationship of race and class to political mobilization and vote choice, and racial bloc voting. We found the elections characterized by high voter turnout, low voter dropoff in subordinate elections, and bloc voting by both whites and blacks (but especially by blacks). Class was found relevant only in locating white support for black candidates. Furthermore, the data analyzed suggest the need to reexamine the impact of electoral institutions on electoral behavior.

Political Ambition Among Men and Women State Party Leaders Testing the Countersocialization Perspective

While differences between men and women in political behavior have declined, women remain underrepresented in public office in America. Studies indicate that even women in elite positions in political parties have less ambition for elective office than their male counterparts. This article examines the countersocialization theory to see whether politically ambitious women undergo significantly different experiences from non-ambitious women and from ambitious men or whether factors leading to political ambition are the same for both men and women. Men and women state convention delegates in 1984 were asked questions regarding their desire for future elective public offices and their past political experiences. There was a significant difference in the level of political ambition of male and female delegates. However, the causes of political ambition appear to be diffuse, and factors leading to political ambition are similar for both men and women.

Survey Research and Southern Politics: The Implications of Data Management

With an identical data base-the SRC/CPS election studies conducted over the 1952-1976 period-scholars arrive at conflicting conclusions about the future politics of the South. One problem is alternative regional definitions-the survey category Solid South (which includes the states of the former Confederacy minus Tennessee) or the combined categories Solid South and Border South. Another problem is the choice to analyze native whites, whites, or all election participants. Based on data presented here, these choices are not neutral; rather, they influence the research findings. If the intent is to build upon the aggregate data-based research of Key and others, one should use the Solid South definition. Moreover, if the intent is to predict about the future politics of the South, one should analyze all election participants. Charles D. Hadley is an Associate Professor in the Department of Political Science, University of New Orleans. The data, originally collected by the University of Michigans Survey Research Center/Center for Political Studies, were made available by the Inter-University Consortium for Political and Social Research. The author wishes to express his appreciation to Harold W. Stanley, Michael D. McDonald, and Bruce A. Campbell for their helpful comments on earlier versions of this paper. Responsibility for the analysis and the interpretations presented here are the authors alone. At the University of New Orleans, the analysis was conducted at the Computer Research Center and supported by a research grant from the College of Liberal Arts. Public Opinion Quarterly Vol. 45 393-401 ? 1981 by The Trustees of Columbia University Published by Elsevier North-Holland, Inc. 0033-362X/81/0045-393/

Partisan Conversion in the Northeast An Analysis of Split Ticket Voting, 1952-1976

2.50 This content downloaded from 40.77.167.85 on Fri, 30 Sep 2016 05:48:39 UTC All use subject to http://about.jstor.org/terms 394 CHARLES D. HADLEY and Arseneau, 1978); and (3) a political dealignment occurred and continues in the South (Beck, 1977). How, then, can scholars analyzing the identical SRC/CPS surveys come to such widely varying conclusions about the future of southern

Gender, Feminism, and Partisanship among Women's PAC Contributors

Gerald Pomper and others who have studied realignment/ dealignment contend that the study of change in geographic subunits is necessary to understand change observed from a national perspective. The South has been the most common regional focus, yet the Northeast has experienced disproportionate partisan change as well. This research documents declining Republicanism in the Northeast since the early 1960s, draws parallels with the South, identifies social and political sources of that decline, and speculates about the future of partisan identification in the Northeast.

Blacks in Southern Politics: An Agenda for Research

Objective. We examine the political attitudes and priorities of contributors to two prominent womens PACs for evidence of a gender gap. Methods. A survey of contributors to EMILYs List and to WISH List shows that contributors to both organizations are overwhelmingly women. However, because EMILYs List is so large, there is a sufficient number of men to compare to the two groups of women using percentages and difference-of-means tests. Results. Partisanship is the overriding influence on political priorities and attitudes toward economic and social welfare policy. However, partisanship and gender interact to influence political attitudes in at least two areas. First, EMILYs List men are more supportive of militarism and use of force than are EMILYs List women, but they are less supportive than WISH List women. Second, the women of EMILYs List are more staunchly feminist than either EMILYs List men or WISH List women. Conclusions. We conclude that the source of each groups financial commitment to womens political equality and reproductive rights is different: for EMILYs List women, it is liberal feminism; for WISH List women, it is libertarianism; and for EMILYs List men, it is general egalitarianism.

Feminist Diversity: The Policy Preferences of Women's PAC Contributors

This article does two things. It draws on extant literature, much of which was written near the height of the Civil Rights movement in the 1960s, to point out needed research on blacks in southern politics. It also provides data on issue attitudes, partisanship, and participation of black and white Democratic county party members and delegates to 1992 Democratic National Convention to explore the impact of including blacks on the regions Democratic county political parties. The data also illustrate the complexities of maintaining a southern biracial Democratic coalition.

Election Systems and the Representation of Black Women in American State Legislatures

Support for women in politics comes from across the ideological spectrum, as illustrated by the ideological diversity of political action committees devoted to the election of women. This study of major contributors to EMILYs List, which raises money for Democratic pro-choice women candidates, and WISH List, which raises money for Republican pro-choice women candidates, examines the policy preferences of both groups using ordinary least-squares regression. We hypothesized that the relatively liberal policy preferences of EMILYs List contributors, compared to the more conservative attitudes of WISH List contributors, were attributable to three types of explanations: symbolic politics, trust in government, and social status. Results of the analysis support both the symbolic politics explanation, represented by indicators of ideological affiliation and feminist consciousness, and the trust in government explanation. However, differences in the social and demographic characteristics of these two groups explain very little of their divergent policy preferences.