Harold K. Jacobson

Inertia and change in the constellation of international governmental organizations, 1981–1992

Hardly anyone expects public institutions to die. Yet a census reveals that fully one-third of the international governmental organizations (IGOs) in existence in 1981 had in fact become defunct by 1992. Most Eastern bloc and many regional developing country organizations vanished or became inactive. During this period a slightly larger number of new organizations was born. Not governments but other IGOs spawned most of the new offspring. Wealthy democratic countries increased their IGO memberships while poor unstable countries increasingly dropped out. This bifurcation was accompanied by greater reliance by all on a set of core universal-membership institutions dominated by Western values. Functionalism, organizational ecology, and realism each partly help us to understand these trends but leave important dynamics unexplained.

Democratic Accountability and the Use of Force in International Law

List of figures List of tables Notes on contributors Preface List of abbreviations Part I. Introduction: 1. Broaching the issues Charlotte Ku and Harold K. Jacobson Part II. The Domestic and International Context: 2. The interface of national constitutional systems with international law and institutions on using military forces: changing trends in executive and legislative powers Lori F. Damrosch 3. Domestic political factors and decisions to use military forces Karen A. Mingst 4. Collective security, peacekeeping, and ad hoc multilateralism Edwin M. Smith 5. The legal responsibility of military personnel Robert C. R. Siekmann Part III. Traditional Contributors to International Military Operations: 6. Canada: committed contributor of ideas and forces, but with growing doubts and problems Fen Osler Hampson 7. Norway: political consensus and the problem of accountability Knut G. Nustad and Henrik Thune 8. India: democratic, poor, internationalist Ramesh Thakur and Dipankar Banerjee Part IV. Newcomers to International Military Operations: 9. Japan: moderate commitment within legal strictures Akiho Shibata 10. Germany: ensuring political legitimacy for the use of military forces by requiring constitutional accountability Georg Nolte Part V. Permanent Members of the UN Security Council: 11. Russian Federation: the pendulum of powers and accountability Bakhtiyar Tuzmukhamedov 12. France: Security Council legitimacy and executive primacy Yves Boyer, Serge Sur and Olivier Fleurence 13. The United Kingdom: increasing commitment requires greater parliamentary involvement Nigel D. White 14. The United States: democracy, hegemony, and accountability Michael J. Glennon Part VI. Conclusion: 15. Towards a mixed system of democratic accountability Charlotte Ku and Harold K. Jacobson Appendix A: uses of military forces under the auspices of the UN and NATO Appendix B: country participation in international operations, 1945-2000 References Index.

Compliance with International Environmental Accords

In 1972, the United Nations Conference on the Human Environment (UNCHE), held in Stockholm, launched a global effort to protect, preserve, and enhance the environment. International environmental accords — treaties and agreements — were central components of this effort. They became primary instruments for orienting and coordinating the behavior first of states and ultimately of enterprises and individuals, steering behavior away from those activities that were environmentally destructive and toward those that would be environmentally benign. In the two decades that followed the Stockholm conference this emphasis on international environmental accords continued, and in June 1992, at the United Nations Conference on Environment and Development (UNCED) in Rio de Janeiro, 1992, it was reaffirmed.

Research on the human components of global change: Next steps☆

Abstract Although research on human interactions in global change is advancing rapidly, future research in this field will require changes in the scale and scope of social science research projects. The social sciences will also require new institutional structures that can organize and manage largescale, multinational, and multidisciplinary research. This article (a) summarizes what has taken place in planning for research on the human components of global environmental change; (b) assesses the readiness of the social science community to undertake large-scale research in this field; (c) identifies areas where large-scale research can and should be undertaken; and (d) suggests criteria that should guide the social science community as it moves towards large-scale research projects.

The United Nations and Colonialism: A Tentative Appraisal

Colonialism, at least as it is generally defined in the United Nations as Western rule of non-metropolitan areas, is rapidly being brought to a close. As a consequence, within a few years some of the activities of the United Nations will be reduced to almost insignificant proportions. Seven of the eleven territories that were once included within the trusteeship system have already achieved self-government or independence, and another, Ruanda-Urundi, will soon attain that goal. Unless new territories are added, only Nauru, New Guinea, and the Pacific Islands will remain under trusteeship. The list of territories which according to the General Assembly are subject to the provisions of Chapter XI of the Charter has not been cut as drastically, but in terms of the number of people involved, the reduction is equally impressive. Even with the high rate of population growth and the addition of the Spanish and Portuguese dependencies, the number of people living in such areas is about one-fifth of the 1946 figure of 215,000,000. With a few important exceptions such as Kenya, Uganda, Nyasaland and the Rhodesias, and Angola and Mozambique, the territories which in the UNs view “have not yet attained a full measure of self-government†are small and have populations of less than one million. It has already been recommended that the future of the Department of Trusteeship and Information from Non-Self-Governing Territories and the possibility of allocating its duties to other departments be reviewed in the light of these developments.

Exploring International Law: Opportunities and Challenges for Political Science Research

Four political scientists and one legal scholar explore questions concerning the place of international law in political science research. Paul Diehl identifies a “warm bodies problem” that has resulted from academic skepticism about the relevance of international law to international relations, creating a dearth of political scientists trained to conduct research in international law. Beth Simmons refutes Diehls proposition that the warm bodies problem makes credible work difficult. Dorinda Dallmeyer notes how communication between lawyers and political scientists is complicated when a word like “norm” can mean completely different things to the two groups. She highlights an open mind and good listening skills as keys to success. Harold Jacobson uses an autobiographical approach to illustrate the influence of realism and its effects on international law as a field in political science, but draws from his collaborations with lawyers to demonstrate the rewards such efforts can provide.

Revolutionaries or Bargainers?: Negotiators for a New International Economic Order

SINCE the heads of state of the Non-aligned Movement issued their call for the creation of a new international economic order (NIEO) at their meeting in Algiers in September I973, this demand has been in the forefront of North-South economic negotiations. In the extensive literature that the NIEO controversy has spawned, little attention has been paid to the individuals who have been involved in the negotiations. This study may fill that gap, and thus contribute to a better understanding of the NIEO talks. It analyzes an important category of these actorsindividuals, principally from less developed countries (LDCs)-who negotiated economic issues in international governmental organizations (IGOs). It examines aspects of their behavior in the negotiations, and it explores their attitudes toward some of the substantive issues at stake. There are several reasons why behavior and attitudes could affect the outcome of the NIEO negotiations. Since the discussions are largely conducted within the framework of IGOs, the processes of these institutions will to some extent shape the outcome. To understand these processes fully, one must comprehend not only the formal rules for making decisions, but also the behavior of the participants. Because crucial aspects of behavior are not recorded in documents, data gained through interviews and observation are an important supplementary source. Knowing the attitudes of the participants is also important for a full understanding of what has happened and what might happen in IGOs.

The Ussr and Ilo

In 1954, just twenty years after first becoming a member, the Soviet Union rejoined the International Labor Organization (ILO). This step was a sharp reversal of the USSRs past policy. The Soviet Union had boycotted ILO since 1937, three years before its initial membership was terminated as a consequence of its expulsion from the League of Nations, and during much of this time it conducted a bitter attack against the agency. The Soviet Unions re-entry may also have marked a turning point for the International Labor Organization. One of the oldest specialized agencies, ILO had developed a tradition of technical work for which it had won wide renown. Some feared that the Soviet Unions re-entry was likely to upset this tradition; others felt that the Organizations wider and more nearly universal membership would provide new strength and vitality. Although the full implications of the USSRs resumed membership in ILO cannot yet be seen, sufficient time has elapsed to warrant a critical examination of Soviet policy in this specialized agency and of the reactions of other states. Perhaps clues can be seen to the motivations for the shift in the USSRs attitude, preliminary estimates made of the success of Soviet policies, and tentative judgments offered about the over-all effects on ILO.

The Test-Ban Negotiations: Implications for the Future

The record of the nuclear test-ban negotiations can well be read for its implications both for the procedure of negotiating and the substance of arms-control agreements. The history of the negotiations covers five years and includes an unpoliced moratorium on testing nuclear weapons which lasted nearly three years. Starting with the collapse of the Paris summit meeting in 1960, the negotiations took a radical turn for the worse, and, had it not been for the Cuban crisis and heightened Sino-Soviet tensions, they might well have been fruitless. The level of the United States technical prepara tion was not adequate to the task at hand, nor were crucial political decisions taken prior to 1961. The impunity with which the Soviet Union could abrogate the moratorium in 1961 demonstrates the danger of dropping ones guard. The experi ence of the negotiations suggests that areas where there is rela tive parity perhaps offer the most promise for arms-control agreements and that more progress might be made if greater emphasis were placed on national control or what has come to be called adversary or reciprocal inspection techniques.

Democratic Accountability and the Use of Force in International Law: The domestic and international context

List of figures List of tables Notes on contributors Preface List of abbreviations Part I. Introduction: 1. Broaching the issues Charlotte Ku and Harold K. Jacobson Part II. The Domestic and International Context: 2. The interface of national constitutional systems with international law and institutions on using military forces: changing trends in executive and legislative powers Lori F. Damrosch 3. Domestic political factors and decisions to use military forces Karen A. Mingst 4. Collective security, peacekeeping, and ad hoc multilateralism Edwin M. Smith 5. The legal responsibility of military personnel Robert C. R. Siekmann Part III. Traditional Contributors to International Military Operations: 6. Canada: committed contributor of ideas and forces, but with growing doubts and problems Fen Osler Hampson 7. Norway: political consensus and the problem of accountability Knut G. Nustad and Henrik Thune 8. India: democratic, poor, internationalist Ramesh Thakur and Dipankar Banerjee Part IV. Newcomers to International Military Operations: 9. Japan: moderate commitment within legal strictures Akiho Shibata 10. Germany: ensuring political legitimacy for the use of military forces by requiring constitutional accountability Georg Nolte Part V. Permanent Members of the UN Security Council: 11. Russian Federation: the pendulum of powers and accountability Bakhtiyar Tuzmukhamedov 12. France: Security Council legitimacy and executive primacy Yves Boyer, Serge Sur and Olivier Fleurence 13. The United Kingdom: increasing commitment requires greater parliamentary involvement Nigel D. White 14. The United States: democracy, hegemony, and accountability Michael J. Glennon Part VI. Conclusion: 15. Towards a mixed system of democratic accountability Charlotte Ku and Harold K. Jacobson Appendix A: uses of military forces under the auspices of the UN and NATO Appendix B: country participation in international operations, 1945-2000 References Index.