Philip H. Gordon

The European Security and Defense Policy : NATO's companion--or competitor?

The European Unions new European Security and Defense Policy (ESDP) is a major step toward full European integration, in parallel with progress toward a Common Foreign and Security Policy. The United States supports ESDP - but on the basis that it is created within NATO, separable but not separate from the Alliance, and drawing mainly on NATOs military assets. This book tells the story of ESDPs relationship to NATO - and what must be done to ensure that the storehouse of European security is increased and transatlantic cohesion is preserved.

France, Germany, and the Western Alliance

Franco-German security co-operation, 1949-1989 the Franco-German partnership and the Alliance after the Cold War post-Cold War trends in French and German security policies conclusions - the Franco-German partnership and the Western Alliance.

Bush's middle east vision

Many Europeans are frustrated with, if not baffled by, the Bush administration’s approach to the Middle East. They see a US administration obsessed with Iraq, yet passive on an Arab–Israeli conflict that Europeans believe poses a greater threat to regional security and requires far more attention than it is getting. In the more extreme view, Bush is seen as in the pocket of the hawkish, pro-Israeli lobby in the United States, and is more interested in winning votes and avenging his father’s failure to oust Saddam Hussein than in bringing peace, justice and stability to the Middle East. In fact, however, the Bush administration does have something of a Middle East vision based on more than domestic political considerations. At the heart of the plan is the determination to use America’s unprecedented power to reshape the Middle East by supporting America’s friends in the region, opposing its enemies and seeking to promote democracy and freedom. This means using force to overthrow the dictatorship in Iraq, promoting gradual political reform among the moderate Arab regimes and standing by Israel until the Palestinians understand that they will get nowhere with violence, but instead can live in a secure, recognised state if they rein in terror and compromise with Israel’s existence. Not all members of the administration fully share this vision – the result of a particularly American optimism about being able to reshape the world through the application of American power and ideals – but the President himself seems to be sold on it. And whether or not one thinks that it makes any sense – and there are plenty of reasons to believe that Bush’s assumptions are misguided and that the approach will fail – it is important to understand and take seriously the new thinking in Washington.

Getting Serious About Iraq

Philip H. Gordon, Martin Indyk and Michael E. O’Hanlon are Senior Fellows in Foreign Policy Studies at the Brookings Institution in Washington DC. Gordon is Director of Brookings’ Center on the United States and France and Indyk Director of Brookings’ Saban Center for Middle East Policy. Parts of this article draw on Philip Gordon and Michael O’Hanlon, ‘les defis de l’apres-Saddam’, which appeared in the summer issue of Politique internationale.

Crescent of Crisis: U.S.-European Strategy for the Greater Middle East

The greater Middle East region is beset by a crescent of crises, stretching from Pakistan through Afghanistan, Iran, and Iraq to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. Together, these five crises pose the most pressing security challenges faced by the United States and its European allies --ranging from terrorism and weapons proliferation to the rise of fundamentalism and the lack of democracy. Until now, Europe and the United States have approached these issues (indeed, the Middle East as a whole) in differing ways, with little effective coordination of policy. In fact, how best to deal with the greater Middle East has emerged as one of the most contentious issues in U.S.-European relations. The need for a common approach to the region is more evident than ever. This book brings together some of Europe and Americas leading scholars and practitioners in an effort to develop a common approach to resolving the five major crises in the region. European and American authors provide succinct and fact-filled overviews of the different crises, describe U.S. and European perspectives on the way forward, and suggest ways in which the United States and Europe can better cooperate. In the conclusion, the editors synthesize the different suggestions into a roadmap for U.S.-European cooperation for addressing the challenges of the Greater Middle East in the years ahead. Contributors include Stephen Cohen (Brookings Institution), James Dobbins (RAND), Toby Dodge (University of London), Martin Indyk (Saban Center at Brookings), Kenneth Pollack (Saban Center at Brookings), Jean-Luc Racine (Center for the Study of India and South Asia), Barnett Rubin (New York University), Yezid Sayigh (University of Cambridge), and Bruno Tertrais (Fondation pour la Recherche Strategique).

Nothing to Fear: Washington Should Embrace the European Union

In “Saving nato From Europe,” (November/December 2004), Jearey L. Cimbalo warns that a dagger is pointed at the heart of the Atlantic alliance, and the murder weapon is the European Union’s draft constitution. Ratification of that document, Cimbalo asserts, would have “profound and troubling implications for the transatlantic alliance and for future U.S. influence in Europe.” Washington, he believes, should “end its uncritical support for European integration” and work with its friends in Europe to halt the eu process and save nato from an untimely death. In our view, Cimbalo’s article is an example of much that is wrong with U.S. thinking about the eu and the transatlantic alliance today. Our point of departure is the conviction that the United States needs a strong, selfconfident European partner that can bring its political, economic, and military weight to bear in addressing threats to common interests in Europe and beyond. Support from Washington’s richest, most democratic, and most militarily powerful partners can help spread the burdens of maintaining global security, expanding democracy, and supporting humanitarian aims. European backing also helps provide legitimacy for U.S. policies and thus makes them more sustainable. Many of the greatest challenges faced by the United States in the world today—stabilizing Iraq, stopping proliferation in Iran, building an IsraeliPalestinian peace, transforming the Middle East, and preserving the environment—are hard enough to meet with European support. Without that support, reaching those goals will be close to impossible.

Assessing European Foreign Policy

In his stimulating article, “Europe‘s Uncommon Foreign Policy,”’ Philip Gordon presents a powerful and sobering account of the persistent failure, over many years, of the member states of the European Union (EU) to make any serious progress toward a common foreign policy. The 1991 Treaty on European Union ostensibly raised the ante, with a grand new commitment to develop a common foreign and security policy (CFSP), but the results so far have been derisory. Indeed, in relation to the massive crisis of the Yugoslav civil war, Europe’s failure to act effectively together is even more scandalous than it was before. Gordon‘s conclusion that this pattern is likely to continue appears to be uncontroversial. The process of European integration may continue, he believes, but there is little likelihood that it will spread significantly to the field of foreign and security policy. Even if this conclusion is broadly correct-and it may well b e h i s analysis is based on a number of propositions, mainly related to traditional academic theories of economic integration, that are inadequate, or even misleading, when applied to the problhatique of a common European foreign policy. As a result, his article is ultimately unsatisfactory as an explanation of what has been going on in the real world, and why. Profound differences exist between the process of internal (mainly economic) integration and the process of external (mainly political) integration. It is these differences that explain why there has been much more progress in the first category than in the second. The process of internal (mainly economic) integration has six essential and distinct ingredients: a closed system, with a known set of participating countries; the concerted choice of discrete policy areas for integration; the negotiation of explicit bargains with predictable consequences; the option of offsetting side bargains; the enactment of these bargains in legislation; and the justiciability of these bargains before the European Court of Justice. The central feature of internal (mainly economic) integration is thus the key characteristic of predictability. Academic theorists may expatiate about spillover, convergence, and momentum, and over time they may seem to be right. However, at any given juncture in the integration process, the governments believe they know what they are doing, they believe they have a discrete choice, they believe they can broadly predict the consequences of the bargain being offered, and if they step forward it is because they believe the bargain will be advantageous.

Allies: The U.S., Britain, and Europe in the Aftermath of the Iraq War

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