Raffaella A. Del Sarto

Normative Empire Europe: The European Union, its Borderlands, and the ‘Arab Spring’

Focusing on the EUs relations with its periphery, this paper takes issue both with persistent ‘normative’ conceptions of the EUs international role in the European Studies literature and with the constructivist–rationalist divide in IR theory. The conceptualization of the EU – a vast, composite and ever�?expanding entity with ‘fuzzy’ borders – as an empire of sorts bridges the theoretical divide and offers a powerful explanation of the EUs behaviour vis�?à�?vis its vicinity. Through the transfer of rules and practices beyond its borders, the EU is indeed engaged in ‘normative’ policies, which however primarily serve the security and economic interests of the EU and its Member States. Thus, the EUs (allegedly) norm�?based behaviour is in itself a utility�?maximizing strategy, which also serves the construction of a normative identity. The EUs response to the Arab uprisings serves to illustrate the argument, with the concept of ‘empire’ resolving the puzzle of seemingly inconsistent EU policies.

The convergence of civilizations : constructing a Mediterranean region

Acknowledgments PART ONE: THE THEORETICAL FRAMEWORK * Normative Power: The European Practice of Region-Building and the Case of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership EMANUEL ADLER and BEVERLY CRAWFORD PART TWO: LOGIC AND MODELS OF REGION-BUILDING IN THE MEDITERRANEAN * Mare Nostrum? The Sources, Logic, and Dilemmas of the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership ETEL SOLINGEN and SABA KENSES OZYURT* A Political Agenda for Region-Building? The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and Democracy Promotion in North Africa RICHARD GILLESPIE* The Euro-Mediterranean Partnership and Sub-Regionalism: A Case of Region-Building? STEPHEN C. CALLEYA PART THREE: INSTRUMENTS AND PRACTICES OF REGION-BUILDING * The European Origins of Euro-Mediterranean Practices FEDERICA BICCHI * Political Securitization and Democratization in the Maghreb: Ambiguous Discourses and Fine-Tuning Practices for a Security Partnership SAID HADDADI * Economic Liberalism between Theory and Practice ALFRED TOVIAS * Practices and Their Failure: Arab-Israeli Relations and the Barcelona Process JOEL PETERS PART FOUR: CULTURE AND IDENTITIES * The Building of Regional Security Partnership and the Security-Culture Divide in the Mediterranean Region FULVIO ATTINA * Turkey: Between East and West METIN HEPER * Region-Building, European Union Normative Power, and Contested Identities: The Case of Israel RAFFAELLA A. DEL SARTO PART FIVE: CONCLUSIONS * The EuroMed beyond Civilizational Paradigms KALYPSO NICOLAIDIS and DIMITRI NICOLAIDIS Contributors Index

From Brussels with love: leverage, benchmarking, and the action plans with Jordan and Tunisia in the EU's democratization policy

With the adoption of the European neighbourhood policy (ENP) in 2003, the European Union (EU) for the first time introduced benchmarking procedures in the realm of democracy promotion, while also establishing the principles of ‘positive conditionality’ and differentiation. In order to exploit its full potential, however, this strategy must be able to define how political development can effectively be measured and monitored, along with the benchmarks chosen for this purpose. Applying insights of democratic and transition theories to the Action Plans concluded with Jordan and Tunisia, the contribution shows that the ENP suffers from the absence of analytical depth as far as concepts and processes of democratization are concerned, along with an arbitrary and largely useless selection of pseudo-benchmarks. While undermining the effectiveness of the leverage model of democratization policies, the EUs lack of clarity and determination seriously contradicts the declared objectives of its democracy promotion policy.

Defining Borders and People in the Borderlands: EU Policies, Israeli Prerogatives and the Palestinians

This article investigates the rules and practices pertaining to visa regimes and the crossing of borders across the European Union, Israel and the Palestinian territories. Their consideration as three interlinked entities rests on the high degree of EU–Israeli interdependence, the EUs deep involvement in the Palestinian territories and Israels control over the latter. The article evidences the existence of variegated borders regimes applying to different categories of Israelis, Palestinians and EU citizens, together with Israels outstanding prerogatives in defining these practices. The analysis suggests conceptualizing the space comprising the EU and Israel/Palestine as overlapping borderlands, with Israel and the territories emerging as a single, yet highly fragmented, space in which borders are alternative expressions of power relations in protracted conflicts. With the EU being drawn into prevailing conflict dynamics, the type and extent of EU–Israeli–Palestinian interconnectedness thus undermine the coherent implementation of Brussels’ mainly bilateral policies towards Israel and the territories.

Wording and Meaning(s): EU-Israeli Political Cooperation according to the ENP Action Plan

Although the war between Israel and Hizballah of summer 2006 and the persistent violence in Israeli-Palestinian relations have been attracting much attention, this article investigates the envisaged bilateral relations between the European Union (EU) and Israel according to the EU-Israel Action Plan of December 2004. Negotiated in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the document is notably vague on the envisaged political cooperation, thus reflecting the need to reconcile divergent positions on the desirable type of relations in general, and the EUs role in Middle East peace making in particular. Moreover, the expectations raised by the initial ‘wider Europe’ initiative on the Israeli side, along with EU-internal divergences on the ‘right’ approach toward Israel and the Palestine conflict, affected the negotiations on the Action Plan. However, while the bilateral Action Plan must be seen in the context of the EUs increased assertiveness on the international stage, implementing the ambiguous Action Plan is likely to be more difficult than agreeing on it. The future of EU-Israeli relations and the influence of the ENP with regard to Israel will depend on a number of developments, most notably the future of Middle East peace making, along with a change of attitudes of each side vis-à-vis the respective other.Although the war between Israel and Hizballah of summer 2006 and the persistent violence in Israeli-Palestinian relations have been attracting much attention, this article investigates the envisaged bilateral relations between the European Union (EU) and Israel according to the EU-Israel Action Plan of December 2004. Negotiated in the framework of the European Neighbourhood Policy (ENP), the document is notably vague on the envisaged political cooperation, thus reflecting the need to reconcile divergent positions on the desirable type of relations in general, and the EUs role in Middle East peace making in particular. Moreover, the expectations raised by the initial ‘wider Europe’ initiative on the Israeli side, along with EU-internal divergences on the ‘right’ approach toward Israel and the Palestine conflict, affected the negotiations on the Action Plan. However, while the bilateral Action Plan must be seen in the context of the EUs increased assertiveness on the international stage, implementing the ...

Italy's politics without policy: Balancing Atlanticism and Europeanism in the Middle East

Focusing on Italys Middle East policies under the second Berlusconi (2001–2006) and the second Prodi (2006–2008) governments, this article assesses the manner and extent to which the observed foreign policy shifts between the two governments can be explained in terms of the rebalancing between a ‘Europeanist’ and a transatlantic orientation. Arguing that Romes policy towards the Middle East hinges less on Italys specific interests and objectives in the region and more on whether the preference of the government in power is to foster closer ties to the United States or concentrate on the European Union, the analysis highlights how these swings of the pendulum along the EU–US axis are inextricably linked to a number of underlying structural weaknesses of Romes foreign policy. In particular, the oscillations can be explained by the prevalence of short-term political (and domestic) considerations and the absence of long-term, substantive political strategies, or, in short, by the phenomenon of ‘politics w...

Plus ça change…? Israel, the EU and the Union for the Mediterranean

The patterns characterizing relations between Israel and the European Union comprise, firstly, repeatedly tense political ties that contrast with constantly deepening economic relations. Secondly the practice of bilateral relations markedly differs from their rhetoric. Thirdly, disagreements usually revolve around Middle East peacemaking. Finally, unlike the EU, Israel prefers disconnecting bilateral ties from regional politics. These patterns explain Israels position and strategy toward the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and permit an assessment of the relevance of the latter for EU–Israeli relations. The conclusion is that the UfM is unlikely to alter the basic patterns of bilateral ties.The patterns characterizing relations between Israel and the European Union comprise, firstly, repeatedly tense political ties that contrast with constantly deepening economic relations. Secondly the practice of bilateral relations markedly differs from their rhetoric. Thirdly, disagreements usually revolve around Middle East peacemaking. Finally, unlike the EU, Israel prefers disconnecting bilateral ties from regional politics. These patterns explain Israels position and strategy toward the Union for the Mediterranean (UfM) and permit an assessment of the relevance of the latter for EU–Israeli relations. The conclusion is that the UfM is unlikely to alter the basic patterns of bilateral ties.

Setting the (Cultural) Agenda: Concepts, Communities and Representation in Euro-Mediterranean Relations

Since 9/11, inter-cultural dialogue, in the Euro-Mediterranean area and beyond, has unintentionally reproduced the ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis. A rethink of the concepts of ‘cultures’, communities and their representatives points to the agenda-setting function of inter-cultural dialogue, which also legitimises specific interpretations of regional and international politics. In spite of some positive developments within the EMPs inter-cultural dialogue, this article recommends a departure from the rhetoric of ‘inter-cultural dialogue’ altogether. Instead, a clear distinction between cultural co-operation and the promotion of sustainable development and human rights is necessary, along with the establishment of a trans-cultural dialogue that defines similarities and differences across states and regions along thematic lines.Since 9/11, inter-cultural dialogue, in the Euro-Mediterranean area and beyond, has unintentionally reproduced the ‘clash of civilizations’ thesis. A rethink of the concepts of ‘cultures’, communities and their representatives points to the agenda-setting function of inter-cultural dialogue, which also legitimises specific interpretations of regional and international politics. In spite of some positive developments within the EMPs inter-cultural dialogue, this article recommends a departure from the rhetoric of ‘inter-cultural dialogue’ altogether. Instead, a clear distinction between cultural co-operation and the promotion of sustainable development and human rights is necessary, along with the establishment of a trans-cultural dialogue that defines similarities and differences across states and regions along thematic lines.

Israel's Contested Identity and the Mediterranean

Abstract Launched by the European Union in November 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) relies on a region-building approach in its attempts to stabilize the southern Mediterranean. It entails the promotion of common values, interests and a shared identification among the participating parties. This article discusses the implications of the EMPs ‘Mediterranean identity’ for Israel. In view of Israels unsettled regional identity and high degree of domestic fragmentation, the ‘Mediterranean option’ touches upon domestically disputed questions. Israel cannot engage in being part of a Mediterranean region so long as it has not sorted out what kind of state and society it wants to be.Abstract Launched by the European Union in November 1995, the Euro-Mediterranean Partnership (EMP) relies on a region-building approach in its attempts to stabilize the southern Mediterranean. It entails the promotion of common values, interests and a shared identification among the participating parties. This article discusses the implications of the EMPs ‘Mediterranean identity’ for Israel. In view of Israels unsettled regional identity and high degree of domestic fragmentation, the ‘Mediterranean option’ touches upon domestically disputed questions. Israel cannot engage in being part of a Mediterranean region so long as it has not sorted out what kind of state and society it wants to be.

Uncertainties at the European Union's southern borders: actors, policies, and legal frameworks

A multiplicity of legal and political arrangements regulate the European Unions external borders. With borders representing the intersection between national and international law and politics, the EU also acquired some legal competences in this realm. The resulting triple set of rules coincides with the growing disaggregation of the classical functions of borders. This state of affairs generates legal and procedural uncertainties and results in a growing ambiguity and lack of transparency, in terms of competences and accountability. Due to the EUs concerns with transnational terrorism, and the growing securitization of migration, the EUs borders with the states of the Middle East and North Africa are particularly relevant in this regard, with the resulting uncertainties touching upon fundamental rights. This article discusses the conceptual starting point of the growing institutional, legal, and political complexity at the EUs southern borders, together with relevant aspects and developments, thus also providing the background to the different contributions in this special issue.