Stanley Rosen

Globalization and Transnational Human Capital: Overseas and Returnee Scholars to China

As societies internationalize, the demand for, and the value of, various goods and services increase. Individuals who possess new ideas, technologies and information that abets globalization become imbued with “transnational human capital,” making them more valuable to these societies. This report looks at this issue from five perspectives. First, it shows that Chinas education and employment system is now highly internationalized. Secondly, since even Chinese scholars sent by the government rely heavily on foreign funds to complete their studies, China is benefiting from foreign capital invested in the cohort of returnees. Thirdly, the report shows that foreign PhDs are worth more than domestic PhDs in terms of peoples perceptions, technology transfer and in their ability to bring benefits to their universities. Finally, returnees in high tech zones, compared to people in the zones who had not been overseas, were more likely to be importing technology and capital, to feel that their skills were in great demand within society, and to be using that technology to target the domestic market.

Contemporary Chinese Youth and the State

Having put a very successful Olympics in the rearview mirror, China entered 2009 with a set of new challenges, brought on in part by the worldwide economic crisis and the resulting demands to ensure necessary employment levels and in part by the familiar issue of maintaining social stability. While the hope, presumably, was to move reasonably smoothly from the Olympics of August 2008 to the celebration of the sixtieth anniversary of the founding of the Peoples Republic of China in October 2009, the Chinese media has instead become proactive in alerting local officials and the general public that China is entering “a peak period for mass incidents” ( quntixing shijian , 群体性事件), with further warnings that a single national-level event, handled poorly, could “resonate” ( gongzhen , 共振) into a threat to overall social stability and a serious political crisis.

Students and Class Warfare: The Social Roots of the Red Guard Conflict in Guangzhou (Canton)

Until recent years, scholars of modern China had generally assumed that in the Cultural Revolution violence of 1966–68 young people were almost arbitrarily joining one or the other of the opposing Red Guard groups. Only within the past few years have researchers begun to unveil the antagonism among students early in the Cultural Revolution over “class” issues and the resulting differences in the composition, tactics and goals of the Red Guard factions.

The Effect of Post-4 June Re-education Campaigns on Chinese Students

Nearly four years have passed since Chinas leaders ordered the military to crush student demonstrators and their supporters in and around Tiananmen Square. Since then, students at all levels have been given a massive infusion of political “re-education” in an attempt to forestall a recurrence of the turbulence and, more ambitiously, to win back the hearts and minds of Chinese youth. The methods employed by the authorities have included an extended programme of military training, tighter political control over the job assignment system, more time in the curriculum for politics courses, a renewed stress on familiar model personages from the pre-Cultural Revolution era, an upgrading in the status of political work cadres, and an abandonment of the more flexible political and moral education courses and textbooks introduced in the 1980s in favour of a return to more traditional “classical” Marxist approaches.

Recentralization, Decentralization, and Rationalization: Deng Xiaoping's Bifurcated Educational Policy

as part of the superstructure, and the downgrading of the political and social functions of education (Deng, 1984: 53-54, 61-86, 101-116, 119126). It explicitly sanctions the creation of an essentially bifurcated educational system, with a small &dquo;elite&dquo; sector to train the first-class scientists and engineers necessary to meet the ambitious targets of the Four Modernizations program alongside a large, &dquo;mass&dquo; sector that is expected to provide basic educational skills, with the possibility of additional vocational training, for the majority. The elite sector is being heavily supported by central government investment; the mass sector is greatly dependent on local government, collective, and individual funding. The elite sector is becoming more and more hierarchically structured; the mass sector is becoming more and more &dquo;open&dquo; and diverse. The elite sector culminates in what the Chinese call an &dquo;iron rice bowl&dquo; (i.e., a secure job in the state sector of the

China's international relations in the 21st century : dynamics of paradigm shifts

Chapter 1 List of Tables and Figures List of Abbreviations Preface Chapter 2 Understanding Chinas Behavior in World Politics Chapter 3 International Relations Theory in China Chapter 4 Escaping the Periphery Chapter 5 Multilateralism in Chinese Foreign Policy Chapter 6 Nationalism, Globalism, and Chinas International Relations Chapter 7 Chinese Understanding of International Political Economy Chapter 8 Cultural Norms and the Conduct of Chinese Foreign Policy Chapter 9 Chinese Approaches to International Law Chapter 10 List of Contributors Bibliography Index

Guangzhou's Democracy Movement in Cultural Revolution Perspective *

Chinas “democracy movement” seems, for the moment, to have passed into history. It began with wall-posters in Beijing in November 1978 and reached its high-tide the following February and March. By late March–April 1979, however, the first of a series of restrictions had been placed on participants, and the movements most outspoken representatives, such as Wei Jingsheng, had been arrested. A year later there was a second crackdown, and even moderate members of the movement were ordered to desist. The final crackdown occurred in April 1981 and resulted in the arrest of more than 20 activists. Although the movement focused upon Beijing, where a wide variety of “unofficial” or “peoples publications” ( minjian kanwu ) vied for domestic and international attention, many of Chinas provinces and cities produced their own “democracy activists” and publications.

China in 1986: A Year of Consolidation

The achievements and shortcomings of the reform movement in China in 1985 to a large extent influenced the countrys political agenda in 1986. The promotion of a new generation of leaders-the so-called third echelon-to leading positions on the Politburo and the Central Secretariat, and the decisive demonstration of civilian control over a conservative military establishment were major victories for the reform program in 1985.1 Personnel issues, therefore, were largely absent from the 1986 agenda. Economically and ideologically, a series of problems which had arisen in 1985 threatened to make the reform program vulnerable. Among the difficulties were a far too rapid industrial growth rate of 18%, an inflation rate of 9%-triple the 1984 rate-a 7% drop in grain output, a sharp worsening in the balance of trade, a 40% decline in foreign exchange reserves, and a large number of widely publicized corruption cases.2 Largely on the defensive, Chinese reformers had made it clear early in the year that no key economic reforms would be implemented. The first year of the Seventh Five-Year Plan (1986-90) was devoted to gaining more control over the economy and to solving some of the problems left over from 1985. If 1986 was not a year for implementing major new policies, the reformers did provide tantalizing indications of the political and economic direction in which they want to move, and they were successful in bringing some of their programs onto the political agenda. For example, China

Policy conflicts in post-Mao China : a documentary survey with analysis

In the ongoing courageous struggle of a relatively small group of Chinese to prevent the completion of the Three Gorges Dam in China, Dai Qing is the outspoken leader whose eloquent voice is always heard despite threats and intimidation by the Chinese authorities to silence it. Dai Qing, an investigative journalist and author with a wide audience in China and abroad, compiled this book of essays and field reports assessing the impact of the Three Gorges megadam now under construction at Sandouping in Chinas Hubei province at great risk to her own freedom. This book is an effort to prevent history from repeating itself ten-fold (a reference to the great floods in 1975 during which over 60 dams collapsed and at least 100,000 people lost their lives) if the 39 billion cubic metres of water in the Three Gorges reservoir ever escapes by natural or man-made catastrophes. These comprehensive essays reveal the deep rooted problems presented by the Three Gorges project that the government is attempting to disguise or suppress. The main concerns are population resettlement and human rights, the irreversible environmental and economic impact, the loss of cultural antiquities and historical sites, military considerations, and hidden dam disasters from the past. Opponents of the dam are attempting to kill the project or at least reduce the size of the megadam now planned to be the biggest, most expensive and, incidentally, the most hazardous of all hydro-electric projects on this planet.

Youth Socialization and Political Recruitment in Post-Mao China

The basic underlying theme running through the majority of the selections included here-on youth values and party and military recruitment-is that Chinese youth in the 1980s are very different from their counterparts in the 1950s and early 1960s, and the consequences that follow from that discovery. The readings comprise reports on college and university students (selections 1, 2, 3, 6, and 7), staff and workers in state enterprises (selections 8 and 10), workers in neighborhood collective enterprises (selection 9), and military recruits (selection 11). A broader view of the effects of political socialization is obtained by including the survey on the Chinese publics awareness of and interest in the State Constitution (selection 5) and the report on the knowledge children have regarding the Chinese Communist Party and communism (selection 4).