Raymond Aron

Politics and history

Raymond Aron, French historian, sociologist, philosopher, and journalist, was internationally recognized as one of the great thinkers in the modern social sciences, bringing to contemporary history the insights of both philosophy and social science. This edition focuses on Arons lifelong attempt to bridge the gap between knowledge and action and to understand the dialectical relationship between history and politics. It is an indispensable introduction to one of the most important thinkers of our century.

The great debate : theories of nuclear strategy

Originally published by Doubleday in 1969, this topical volume delineates the French position on thermonuclear weapons, as well as outlines the theories of deterrence and graduated retaliation that have guided U.S. nuclear policy formation. Also examines the future of the Atlantic Alliance. Political scientists, scientists and nuclear strategists will find this text an invaluable aid in understanding the issues that both unite and divide the Western allies on the issue of nuclear arms.

Une sociologie des relations internationales

Raymond Aron : Die Soziologie der internationalen Beziehungen. ; Text des an der ersten allgemeinen Sitzung der franzosischen Gesellschaft fur Soziologie gehaltenen Vortrags und Zusammenfassung der anschliessenden Diskussion.

Histoire et dialectique de la violence

. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Documents about the work Histoire et dialectique de la violence (1973) / Raymond Aron (1905-1983) . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Pages in data.bnf.fr . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 Related authors . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 1 This page in data.bnf.fr lab . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Sources and references . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Link to the main catalogue . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 2 Sources

Limits to the Powers of the United Nations

nation and the military capacity to coerce the aggressor and punish him. The second condition is that the conflict submitted to the U.N. be juridically defined,. that it lend itself to the legal formalism of the Charter so that the wrongs of the parties may be determined, not according to political expediency, but by reference to the letter of fundamental texts and concepts. Never in history have these two conditions been fulfilled; never have they been so far from fulfillment as in the

Student Rebellion: Vision of the Future or Echo from the Past?

In order to limit my subject and to concentrate on the most interesting or familiar cases, I shall not discuss Latin-American universities, for two reasons. These universities have known student unrest for a long time, and have granted their students a role in the administration-a right which is demanded by some protesters and which is spreading throughout the West. Secondly, the relative underdevelopment, the influence of the United States, the example of Cuba, and the mediocrity and authoritarianisrrt of a great many established regimes suggest probable interpretations. Similarly, African universities give their students a Western education, separate them from their milieu, teach them criticism and the critical spirit. How could the students fail to perceive the gap between the society they live in and the society whose ideal plan has been taught them through the culture they have received? How could they fail to revolt when the best jobs, those in government bureaucracy, are held by the preceding generation, and when economic progress offers graduates, most of them nonscientific, no chance of promotion in the private sector? I shall therefore limit myself to student revolts in the indus-

Rationality of Modern Society

In the articles that follow, Raymond Aron and Herbert Marcuse each discuss the value that may be attributed to science and technology in modem society. “Science, technology, and reason have a primacy over other phases of human activity,” asserts Professor Aron, “true knowledge has a universal vocation.” “Technique in itself,” warns Professor Marcuse, “perpetuates misery, violence, and destruction.”

Für ein europäisches Deutschland

„Die Hitler kommen und gehen, aber das deutsche Volk bleibt“, sagte Stalin im Jahre 1942. Vielleicht haben die westlichen Politiker diese vom gesunden Menschenverstand eingegebene Auserung nicht ausreichend bedacht. Die Demokratien neigen dazu, im Frieden nicht genug an den moglichen Krieg und im Kriege nicht genug an den zukunftigen Frieden zu denken. Die Forderung des unconditional surrender und die vorweggenommene Aufteilung der Besatzungszonen waren nicht der Ausdruck einer klaren Politik, sondern allein des Wunsches, die unvermeidlichen Entscheidungen hinauszuschieben auf die Zeit nach der Niederlage des Dritten Reiches. Man hat inzwischen einsehen mussen, das man die Zukunft schwer belastete, indem man die Losung von Problemen unter dem Vorwande aufschob, ihre Behandlung wurde bei den Vereinten Nationen keine Einmutigkeit finden.

Deutsch-französische Probleme in der Nachkriegszeit (Diskussionsbeitrag Arons, März 1931)

Unter Bezug auf den Diskussionsbeitrag des deutschen Diskussionsteilnehmers Richard Rohden zur Losung der Kriegsschuldfrage (p. 124f):

In Berlin im Januar 1933

L’Express: Hitler ist durch Verhandlungen zwischen den politischen Parteien und nicht durch einen Wahlsieg an die Macht gekommen.